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AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN
ITS FOUNDATION AND EARLY FORTUNES

1591-1660

>-i>u'v

BY THE SAME AUTHOR ' •

■ ,1'. .-,.

(With the Collaboration of Arthur Gilman, M.At)-|-r./

ALEXANDER'S EMPIRE

Sixth Edition. With Maps and Numerous
Illustrations. Large crown 8vo, cloth, ^s.
("The Story of the Nations" Series.)

LONDON : T. FISHER UNWIN.

.^

*v

AN EPOCH
IRISH HISTORY

TRINITY COLLEGE, DUBLIN

ITS FOUNDATION AND EARLY FORTUNES,

X*.*^'''^ '"% 1 591-1660

JOHN PENTLAND MAHAFFY, D.D.,

Knight Commander of the Order of the Redeemer ;

Mus.Doc, Dublin ; Hon. D.C.L., Oxon ;

Sometime Professor of Ancient History

IN the University of Dublin ;

Author of

"Social Life in Greece from Homer to Menander,"

"A History of Greek Classical Literature,"

"Alexander's Empire," Editor of

the Petrie Papyri, etc., etc.

LONDON: T. FISHER UNWIN
PATERNOSTER SQUARE. 1903

[A/^ rights reserved\

^..^ AVAILABLE

pRiEHONORABILI

GEORGIO COMITI CADOGAN DE GART. EQ.

APUD NOS UTRUSQUE LEGIS HONORIS CAUSA DoCTORI

QUEM PER SEPTENNIUM PRO ReGE

IN HiBERNIA

PRiESENTEM COLUIMUS

NUNC

ABSENTEM DESIDERAMUS

D D D

AMICUS AUCTOR.

Contents

PAGE

Introduction . . . , ^ . ix

I. Ireland in the Closing Years of the i6th

Century . . . . i

II. The Founding of the College

III. Alvey (i 601-9)

IV. Temple (1609-26)

V. Bedell — Robert Ussher (1626-34) .

VI. Chappell and the Caroline Statute
(1634-40) ....

VII. The Great Rebellion and the Civil War
IN Ireland

VIII. The Protectorate — Winter (1652-60)

Appendix. Bedell's Statutes

Index ......

vii

60
112

192
228
264

377

Introduction

The title of this book is intended to inform the reader that
though the history of a particular Foundation fills most of
its pages, the general history of the country, and its social
and intellectual conditions, have been always before the author's
mind. The great struggle for the education and creed of the
people between the reformed Church of England and the
Jesuits has been viewed from a special point of view. But
the author claims to have made a contribution to the Eliza-
bethan and Jacobean history of Ireland, as well as to the
knowledge of the early fortunes of the great Irish University
and College. He also claims, while in no way concealing his
Protestant convictions, to have represented the merits and the
faults of all the conflicting parties in this struggle without fear
or favour.

The history of Trinity College, Dublin, which up to the
present includes that of the University of Dublin, has been
many times written, and these essays have been at least in five
cases published. It might therefore fairly be expected that
each succeeding work would utilise its predecessors, and thus
gradually attain to an adequate account of the origin and
development of " the only English foundation that ever
succeeded in Ireland." But this is not the case. The
earliest systematic (though unfinished) history is that of

X INTRODUCTION

Provost Hely Hutchinson, composed about 1790-2. It was
never printed, but was utilised by the late Dr. Todd in his
historical Introduction to the first College Calendar (1833),
and again by Dr. Stubbs in his History, though very
inadequately.! The many papers left by Vice-Provost
Barrett, and now in the Library, show that he was
accumulating materials, and making special studies, for the
same purpose, but he never carried out his intention. His
transcripts of many early documents were, however, very
serviceable to those of his successors who were unable to read
the originals. There is yet another MS. history, hitherto
lying in the Bursar's office. This very neat MS., evidently
a careful copy from a rougher original, especially from the
Barrett papers, is probably the most valuable of all the attempted
histories. It is anonymous, the only clues to its date and
author being that it copies and cites Dr. Barrett, and was in
the possession of Provost MacDonnell. As the writer had
complete access to all the documents in the Muniment Room,
or else to Barrett's copies of them, he must have been one of
the authorities of the College ; the most likely author is,
I think, Charles Elrington (the editor of the life and works
of Ussher), who was Professor of Divinity 1829.

Many original documents, some of which are now mis-
laid or lost, are cited in this history, and it is far less tinged
with subjectivity than the work of Hely Hutchinson, whose
lifelong quarrels with his Fellows colour the accounts he gives
of similar dissensions in earlier times. Unfortunately this
anonymous author has not carried his work beyond the life of
Winter, the Cromwellian Provost ; but he has added, in some-
what random order, transcripts (Barrett's) of many of the old
documents in the Muniment Room.

The first published history is Taylor's (1845), a rhetorical

^ The original MS. has only recently been recovered by the College,
and is now in the Muniment Room — a typewritten copy being deposited
in the Library.

INTRODUCTION

XI

book, provincial in tone and full of bigotry, and unhandy
to consult, as it has no index. Taylor must have known
and used Todd's first Calendar, though he does not cite
it. The mediaeval attempts at founding an Irish University
are evidently described from this source ; and the false estimate
of Archbishop Loftus's importance as a founder of Trinity
College appears here, as it does in the subsequent History
of Stubbs. Taylor's book is nevertheless useful, in that he
searched the annals of the Irish House of Commons, and
transcribes for us many important documents, down to the
Report of the Wide Street Commission of 1800 on College
Street, from these records. But of the documents in the
Muniment Room, or the earlier MS. histories, he seems to
have known nothing. His judgments are often partial and
wrong. His estimates, e.g.^ of Provost Chappell, are entirely
from the charges brought against him by his enemies in the
Parliament of 1640, and ignore Chappell's personal defence, as
well as the evidence in Laud's and Strafford's letters. Taylor
also brought into fashion the practice of evading the more
troublesome task of writing a systematic and orderly history by
giving mere biographical sketches of eminent men, and the
annals of special schools in the University. These digressions
and supplements are often interesting, but often irrelevant to
the task of the historian.

The late Dr. Stubbs, when Bursar, undertook the work
afresh, though untrained for it by any general historical studies.
He knew Hely Hutchinson's MS. and had full access to the
Muniment Room, as well as of course to the Anon, history in
his own office. Here again the documents printed in his
Appendix— many of them hitherto inaccessible— are of great
value to the student. There was not one of them, indeed,
unknown to Hely Hutchinson or Barrett, and they were
apparently all given by Stubbs from Barrett's transcripts.
But here many official documents relating to the founding
of the College are to be found, though many still remain

xii INTRODUCTION

to be printed. The narrative brings us up to the year 1800.
As regards the characters of the early rulers of the College,
who lived in perpetual controversies, and w^ho are described to
us either by warm friends or bitter enemies among their con-
temporaries, Stubbs offers us no independent judgments. He
seems hardly to have looked into the Calendars of State Papers,
or the documents in the Record Office, still less into the
Records of the Corporation of Dublin.

It v^as indeed unfortunate that he did not begin, instead of
concluding, his work with the year 1800. For many of us
remember how full he was of the traditions and the gossip of
the early and middle nineteenth century in Dublin. If he had
set down all the facts and stories repeated to him in his youth
by garrulous seniors, he would have left us a picture of Trinity
College in the days of its greatest wealth (and its greatest sloth)
which is now lost for ever.

At the moment of the Tercentenary Celebration (1892) two
new documents concerning this history appeared, of which the
smaller and less pretentious had a real and independent value.
This was Urwick's Early History of Trinity College^ Dublin
(i 591-1660), a little shilling book in a bright green cover. It
was written to support a definite thesis. The author, a repre-
sentative Non-Conformist, found that the services of the Puritan
party and their importance at the founding of the College and
during the Commonwealth had been ignored by Episcopalian
historians. Even the characters of men like Travers and
Winter had suffered from the unpopularity of their views
among the Church party. In this short but most valuable
tract Mr. Urwick sought to set things right. He knew where to
find the proper sources, and he knew how to use them when
found. His book is therefore a notable contribution to the
history of the University, the more so as it gives us general
views of religious politics in Ireland, and not mere contro-
versies about petty internal affairs. The Book of Trinity College^
published for a gift to the guests at the feast, was com-

INTRODUCTION

Xlll

piled by various hands, and in a great hurry, owing to the
jealousies and oppositions then brought to bear upon it. It
therefore does not represent a tithe of what could have been
done with a little more generosity and sympathy on the part of
the Bursar.

But even in this hurried volume documents were cited and
views set forth which were fresh to the public. The College
plate, for example, was hardly known or appreciated till it was
described, and some of it pictured, in the volume. The old
seal of April, 1612, was unknown till the parchment appointing
the first Duke of Ormond to be Chancellor was found, and
the appended wax seal photographed in Kilkenny Castle. The
importance of the Jesuit Crusade against the College was then
for the first time, though very inadequately, stated.

Since 1892 the two men who still felt a keen interest in the
records of the College — Dr. Carson and Dr. Stubbs — are gone,
and there is at present a great dearth of antiquaries among the
staff. There are even some among them to whom a name
so recent and so great as that of Hincks conveys no meaning.

It is therefore very encouraging that Professor MacNeile
Dixon should have undertaken a brief but very interesting
account in the first of the " College Histories " published by
Robinson (London). The limits of his space precluded anything
like a complete or detailed treatment, nor was it within the
scope of a popular work to quote original deeds and documents.
But it might perhaps have been expected from him to do what
none of his predecessors (except Mr. Urwick) has attempted
either in MS. or in print — to treat the College as a mirror of
the public state around it, and to bring its internal affairs into
closer relation with the general history of Ireland. This is
of course the only permanent interest in such a history. The
perpetual squabbles of the fellows regarding the interpreta-
tion of their statutes and the petitions of tenants for remission
of rent which fill endless letters and pleadings, are of little
moment compared with the general policy of various Provosts

xiv INTRODUCTION

and Vice-Chancellors towards the natives^ and the very inter-
pretations they put upon this name ; their attitude towards the
Irish language, and towards the Roman Catholics who sought
for education in their House.

Such and such like are the questions which are discussed in
the following history with only so much of the petty internal
details as give us an insight into the life of students in those
early days. There are, moreover, many difficulties in interpret-
ing the meaning of an account or of a statement which was
obvious in its day ; and to this task far more space must have
been accorded, had not the Board of Trinity College liberally
consented to have the principal original document printed as a
companion volume to this history. In the Introduction and
Notes to that volume such questions of interpretation will
have their proper place.

It is due to future students to set down in this Introduction
the catalogue of the contemporary or original sources known
to me, for the period to which this volume is confined — from
the foundation of the College to the Restoration. There
may be some which have escaped me. (i) The Particular
Book^ printed as the companion to this volume. (2) The
early Registry, reaching from 1637 to 1660. These two
volumes to some extent overlap in time and in subjects ; the
latter has no detail of the accounts, and is a more meagre
record than the former. (3) Boxes of loose papers in the
Muniment Room, dated and undated, covering this period,
and of very varied character — accounts, bonds, petitions of
tenants, petitions to the State, &c. &c. Of these, many
valuable specimens are printed in Stubbs' Appendix. I have
sorted and catalogued them in their various boxes (A to G) so
far as they belonged to my period, and my MS. Catalogue can
be consulted in the Muniment Room. Some of them are
printed as Appendices to the following chapters. (4) The
Carew Papers at Lambeth Library, and the Calendar of Irish
State Papers in the London Record Office, in which the whole

INTRODUCTION xv

period of the present book is now covered by recent volumes,
except that for October 1600 to 1603, which is in pre-
paration, and contains the all-important crisis of Lord
Mountjoy's government. (5) The State Papers in the Irish
Record Office, vi^hich are not yet accessible in printed
Calendars, though the individual volumes are briefly indexed.
This is so vast a storehouse that it would require many
years to search it for any special purpose. On the
Commonwealth period alone (1649-60) there are at least
forty volumes which Mr. Urwick has consulted. And yet,
until some one has examined and sorted the whole collec-
tion, important facts may lie hid which would solve the prob-
lems and puzzles so frequent in the following pages. (6) The
Thurloe Papers contain a few stray allusions to the College,
and these are not without interest. Such are also Henry
Cromwell's Letters in the British Museum. Strafford's, Laud's,
Ussher's, and Bedell's correspondence, were all known and used
by previous historians of the College. (7 ) The Journals of the
Irish House of Commons. It is obvious that to search this
enormous mass of materials requires not the leisure of a busy
man, but the whole labour of a man of leisure. Pending the
advent of such a specialist, the present volume contributes what
new matter the work of a few years among the College
archives has brought to light.

I have to thank my friends Mr. Richard Bagwell and
Mr. J. R. Gautin, both high authorities on Irish history,
for many valuable suggestions and corrections.

Trinity College, Dublin.
September^ 1903-

NOTE.

H. H. means Hely Hutchinson MS.

Anon, the other document above described.

S. P., unless further specified, the Calendar of State Papers

(Ireland) published by the Record Office, London.
C. P. the Carew Papers from Lambeth Palace Library,

published in the same manner.
M. R. is the Muniment Room of the College.
Mullinger is Mr. Bass Mullinger's " History of the University

of Cambridge."

An Epoch in Irish History

CHAPTER I

IRELAND IN THE CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6tH CENTURY

The reasons why Queen Elizabeth was induced to sanction
the foundation of her College in Dublin are plain enough,
and are stated in the preamble of her Charter and her Letters
Patent ^ ; but the contributing influences both in England and
in Ireland which made her policy a success, and again only a
partial success, have been either ignored or misunderstood.
Moreover, none of the historians has ever undertaken to
consider what the Ireland of that day was in its private life ;
in its culture, or in its want of culture ; in its society, or its
absence of society. What was the population from which
the College could hope to draw students ; what were the
classes that either desired, or could be persuaded, to educate
their children under its influence ?

* " A College for learning, whereby knowledge and civility might be
increased by the instruction of our people there, whereof many have
usually heretofore used to travaile into ffrance, Italy, and Spaine to gett
learning in such forreigne Universities, whereby they have been infected
with Popery and other ill qualities" (Letter of Elizabeth in Stubbs'
Appendix iii, p. 354).

B

2 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

When we examine the great mass of contemporary-
documents to seek the answer to these important
questions, we find ourselves minutely informed about official
Ireland and about the wars in Ireland ; also about the
jealousies, calumnies, quarrels, and intrigues of Elizabeth's
governors and officers ; about the violences and exactions of
British soldiers and Irish kerne ; but concerning the private
life of the people our sources are almost silent. Letters from
people of the middle classes ; letters from ladies, except those
of the highest degree ; letters from citizens of the outlying
towns, or the civilised counties, about their daily life and
private affairs are very rare. The observations set down by
the few travellers whose works are still extant, though highly
interesting, are but partial, and frequently inconsistent with
each other. Thus, for example, Stanihurst's very favourable
description of Dublin with its civic splendours and hospitalities
is flatly contradicted by Barnabe Rich {New Description of
Ireland) who says (in 1610) that he has known Dublin for
forty years, and that it is no such place as Stanihurst describes,
but a mere nest of Papists and alehouses.^ But the fact is
that there were then, as there are now, the most extraordinary
contrasts in the life of Ireland, and partial or occasional specta-
tors were likely to receive wholly different impressions, according
to the spot, or the moment, or the temper, of their observations.
Thus the Four Masters, themselves contemporary, or copying
from contemporary documents, describe the year 1595 as
one of war and tumult in Connaught. We have among the
College documents irrefragable evidence that as far as Tuam
and the neighbouring country were concerned, things were as
quiet and safe as they are at present. In the spring of that
year the College sent down James Hamilton, one of its

^ The Editor of the Records of the City of Dublin prints the former account
in the appendix to his second volume, but not the latter. This is an instance
of the omission of evidence unfavourable to his creed. Yet Rich is so
violent a Protestant, that any advocate of the other side would have been
wise to exhibit his strongly biassed statements.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 3

fellows, to collect the temporalities of the archbishopric of
Tuam, granted by the Queen to the College during a vacancy
in the See. He travels about the district, sues the tenants,
distrains their cattle and "garaunes" (ponies), and yet he meets
vi^ith no other obstacles than a new agent would encounter
to-day on a similar errand. The tenants broke their promises
to meet him at Tuam market, they denied that they had ever
paid rent ; they would not buy the distrained cattle when put
up for sale. So it resulted that Hamilton realised no more
than j^i6 by the whole transaction ; but he was in no danger,
and neither he nor his bailiffs ever express any apprehension.
This condition of the country is only to be explained by its
condition ever since and even now. The mass of the popula-
tion— called churls by the old observers — were peaceable and
easily controlled. But this control could be exercised not
only by the law, but by the enemies of the law. The peasant
could be coerced not only by the judge at assizes, but by the
raider in politics or in arms, who often drove him into
disastrous rebellion, sore against his will. In the case of
Hamilton's dealings with the Mayo and Galway natives, we
know that there were near him two strong men, who ruled
with a rod of iron — Clanrickard, whom they now revered as
a native lord, and Bingham, who from the fortress of Athlone
watched the interests of British law and order in Connaught
with bloody severity. Yet not three years elapsed when his
tyranny proved powerless against the revolt of the whole
province.

These sudden alternations of order and disorder were not
only promoted by the revolt of a chieftain or the caprice of a
band of robbers ; they were often caused by the reversal of a
policy and by bitter dissensions among the officials entrusted
by the Queen with the government of the country. For, in
the first place, there were two policies among the governors.
The one was that of keeping the Irish totally distinct from
the English and in absolute subjection. They were not to be

4 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

legally persons who could sue a British subject ; they were to
have no rights, even of property, no recognition of their
native law and native customs. Any revolt was to be crushed
by martial law and wholesale executions ; any constitutional
complaint of their leaders by their imprisonment during the
Lord Deputy's pleasure. Such a policy must, of course, fail in
the long run, even if it had been successful for a time, even if
the two races had been, or could be, kept wholly distinct.
The Irish would have found their Toussaint L'Ouverture or
their O'Connell in the seventeenth century, even had all the
Anglo-Irish been kept apart from them. But since the
original conquest in 1172 a great fusion had taken place, not
only in the coast cities, but throughout the country, of settlers
and natives. However constantly forbidden by the law,
marriages of Englishmen with Irish women were frequent,
and unlicensed connections an occurrence of every day. The
old settlers, abandoned by England during the long wars of
the Roses, save when their lords were recruited to fight in
England and lose their lives in the great English quarrel, were
forced to fall in with native customs. The English gentlemen
in Mayo, who came to see Sir H. Sydney on his official tour
(1575) through the West of Ireland, had not only learned to
speak Irish, but had adopted Irish names.^ He mentions
what we think very Irish names — Lynch, Cusack — as English.
Of these people, once important, he adds "that now they
have not three hackneys to take them and their train home " ;
also " that Galway had almost forgotten they had received any
Corporation charter from the Crown." And if the old
English settlers had amalgamated with the native population
of the country, there was likewise an infiltration of Irish into
the Danish and British settlements on the coast. The names
in the old records of Dublin, Waterford, and Cork show

* Cf. Carcw Papers, ii. 49. Barrett was now McPhatten (McFadden) ;
Stanton, Mclvilye (McEvilly) ; Dexter, Mcjordan ; Nangle, McCoshtelo ;
Prendergast, McMaurice, &c.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 5

unmistakable Celts among the Danes and Saxons ; for in
these cities there was no reason for assuming an Irish name-
nay, on the contrary, many an Irishman must have called
himself by an English name in the hope of attaining to
British privileges. It was this mixed population, both within
and without the Pale, which made the policy of treating the
Irish as aliens and slaves not only absurd, but impossible.

It also afforded the strongest argument to the advocates of
the rival policy — that of conciliation, of gradually leavening
the natives by the introduction of the English language, the
English law, and the English morality. If these innovations,
gradually and wisely tempered, had not been associated with a
change of creed ; if they had been honestly carried out by
humane and unselfish officials ; if they had not been accom-
panied by confiscations of land to help the poverty of the
English Exchequer, Ireland might readily have been con-
verted into another Wales.

But might have been is no word for the historian ; what has
been is his province. There were sporadic and unwilling con-
cessions made, which were not unfairly interpreted by the
natives as weakness. The Jus quinque sanguinum whereby
five great clans obtained from the Crown denization^ or the
right of pleading in court like English subjects,^ must have
been more galling to the rest than the exclusion of all. The
formal recognition by Henry II. of O'Conor as a king in
the West of Ireland must have exasperated other chieftains of
far greater importance, though it obtained him unusual respect
from English officials.

Quite apart from the influence of the Church, which we
shall discuss presently, the Anglo-Irish lawyers in the days of
Elizabeth were a very important factor in emancipating the
people. Though some of them did attend the Inns of Court
in London, the majority seem to have qualified by foreign

* Cf. Sir John Davis's famous tract, A Discovery of the true Causes why
Ireland was never entirely subdued^ &c., p. 104 (Orig. Ed.).

6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

studies. Though they were well able to plead in English,
they knew the Irish tongue perfectly. They were masters
of the art of training disloyalty to keep within the law.
They were adepts at finding flaws in Acts of Parliament and
letters patent from the Crown. Above all, they explained to
the gentry of the Pale and the burghers of the cities their
rights and the frequent violation of these rights. Constant
are the complaints and the warnings of English officials against
promoting these native lawyers to high judicial positions.
They were very apt to censure English violence and to acquit
the Irish victims of false accusations. Native juries only
wanted a hint from such a judge to disagree or find a verdict
of not guilty. Yet to employ them was necessary, because
English lawyers, when sent over, regarded Ireland as a land
of exile and were always urging their own recall. Many
would not even accept their appointment, except on the
condition of serving a short term, in a country which they
described as "little better than hell."

Nothing has been more misunderstood and misstated than
the position and power of the Roman Catholic Church as
regards the civiHsation of Ireland in Elizabeth's times. We
must go back, of course, to Henry VIII.'s disestablishment
and disendowment of the wealthy orders and houses of that
Church to understand its position in the early part of the
sixteenth century. In his day the religious houses seem to
have possessed almost all the wealth and all the patronage of
the Church of Ireland. There were, according to Allemand,i
four hundred of these houses in the country. They possessed,
besides their estates and chantry lands, the tithes of many
parishes, for which they were supposed to provide curates.
But so badly was this done that a vast number of churches
was in ruins ; in many of the remainder no mass was said.
Such parochial duties as were performed were in the hands of
* Histoire Monastique d'Irlandc, Paris, 1690.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 7

very poor and ignorant priests. Where these men had received
their education and under what conditions they were ordained
by the bishops it is not easy to discover. Thus I find as late
as 161 9, among the Patent Rolls of James I. (year 17, No. Ixxv.)
a list of witnesses to a document, among whom Sir Pat.
Nevell, curate of Connall (in Kildare), signs with his mark X.
Here then was an ecclesiastic who could not write English
nearly a century later.i The preaching and most of the pastoral
duties seem to have been performed by the various orders of
friars, who at this time kept alive the spark of religion by
their zealous and unselfish labours.

It has commonly been stated and believed that in the reli-
gious houses education, both for clergy and laity, was provided,
and that the lamentable state of the secular clergy was due to
the abolition of these houses by Henry VIIL The evidence
we have does not bear out this current opinion. In the first
place many of the monasteries in the north and west were
beyond the reach of the English king.2 Several notable houses

^ See an excellent summary concerning the state of the Roman Catholic
Church in Ireland before Elizabeth's reign in Mr. Brewer's Introduction
to vol. ii. of the Carew Papers, pp. xiv. sq.

2 Cf . Davis' tract, p. 255 : " For the abbeys and religious houses in
Tirone, Tirconnell, and Fermanagh, though they were dissolved in the 33
of Henry VIIL, were never surveyed nor reduced into charge, but were
continually possessed by the religious persons, untill his Majesty that
now is (James I.) came to the crown." This can be proved by contem-
porary evidence. The conference of Spanish officers with O'Neill and
his confederates in 1596 took place in the monastery of Donegal, as the
most suitable place, and Captain Alonzo de Cobos, in the course of his
despatch (S. P., Spanish, 1587-1603, p. 640), says : "The guardian of the
monastery of Donegal, a Franciscan friar, gave me a memorial for your
Majesty. It is to the effect that the enemy was there last year for seven
days, and ruined the place. He asks your Majesty to give some-
thing to repair the monastery, some chalices and ornaments, &c.
The friars there are very religious ; there are 25 or 30 of them." It is
perfectly notorious that the North-West was among the most uneducated,
and therefore barbarous, parts of all Ireland. The conclusion that the
religious houses were no educators may thus be established by the Method
of Difference.

8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

escaped, such as that of Moyne, in which, AUemand says,
philosophy and theology were taught, not pillaged by the
English till 1578, and of which the buildings were still standing
in 1690. The Franciscans were not driven out of the north
till the rule of Chichester in 1602. Several of the houses
which had escaped ruin under Henry VIII. and Edward VI.
were again filled with monks and nuns by Queen Mary. If,
therefore, the Church of Rome had possessed even a fraction
of the zeal shown after 1590, there was ample opportunity for
much earnest teaching. But there is no evidence that any such
zeal existed, and Edmund Spenser speaks ^ of the creed of the
natives as no religion, but merely the superstitious worship of
the sacraments, and the blind reverence for the clergy who
celebrated these sacraments in an unknown tongue. The
nobles of the Pale were quite satisfied to see the monasteries
abolished because they received a large share of the spoil ; the
wilder chieftains, such as Shan O'Neill, had not scrupled to
harry and even burn monasteries in the course of their incessant
raids for plunder. The former did indeed, by the mouth of
Lord Deputy Gray and his Council, petition that six houses
should escape confiscation, viz., S. Mary's Abbey, a house of
White monks, and Christ Church, in Dublin ; the nunneries
of Gracedieu at Swords ; Conall (near Newbridge) in the Co.
Kildare ; Kenlis and Jerpoint in Co. Kilkenny. They give
as their last reason, that " in them young men and childer,
both gentlemen's childer and other, both of mankind and of
womankind, be brought up in virtue, learning, and in the
English tongue and behaviour^ to the great charges of the said
houses : that is to say, the womankind of the whole Englishry
of the land, for the more part, in the said nunneries, and the
mankind in the other said houses." But their main reason for
the petition is that which Allemand says caused an universal
murmur, when they were abolished, throughout the land.
" For in these houses, and others such-like, in default of
* Cf. below, p. 24 (note).

CLOSING YEARS OF THE iSth CENTURY 9

common inns, which are not in this land, the King's Deputy
and Council and officers, also Irishmen, and others resorting
to the King's Deputy, is and hath been most commonly
lodged at the costes of the said houses." This hospitality
was also extended, we gladly believe, to the poorer classes,
and alms distributed to the needy. But we can find no
outcry about the loss of any national education owing to
the king's act. The monastery at Donegal is the only one
mentioned as possessing a good library, and here the Four
Masters were able to study and write in peace a century
after the suppression. But we hear nothing of a school of
history or of theology at this place.

We are, of course, far better informed about Dublin than
about the rest of Ireland. We can find no trace of any
monastic schools here beyond the definite statement that the
youth of the Pale were sent to the schools above mentioned.

The Dominican Friary of S. Saviour, on the site of the
present Four Courts, is reported ^ to have kept a school of
theology and philosophy opposite their house, on Usher's
Island, to which they built the so-called Old Bridge.

The ancient " College " of Maynooth, founded by Gerald,
Earl of Kildare (ob. 15 13), with a provost, vice-provost, five
fellows, two clerks, and three boys, was to pray for his soul and
that of his wife, not to teach anybody anything.^

I will add that in the speech of Archbishop Loftus to the
citizens of Dublin, urging the establishment of an University,3
the advantages to trade of the religious houses, and the con-
sequent damage done by their disestablishment, are specially
mentioned. It would have been an obvious point to compare
their false education (had they given any) with the pure
education of the proposed Protestant Academy, but of this
there is not a word.

^ Monasticon Hibernicum, ii. 72.

"^ ibid., ii. 282.

3 Stubbs, Hist, of Univ. of Dublin, App. ii.

10 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The city of Dublin had a grammar school as early as
1560 ; there were grammar schools even earlier at Waterford,
Kilkenny, Cork, and Limerick. We do not hear that they
were set up to replace monastic education, but this may have
been the case, so far as the six houses were concerned.

If these things were so, we can well imagine respectable
citizens of Dublin, whether Catholic or Anglican, regarding
not without satisfaction the abolition of religious corporations
which had absorbed most of the wealth of the city. We
know of at least four great houses with a host of smaller ones,i
round Dublin : those of S. Thomas (a Becket), S. Mary, All
Hallowes, and S. John of Jerusalem.^ English monasteries at
Bristol owned property in the city, and as late as 1610 Luke
Challoner was able to trace fifty lots of houses and lands
in and by the city which were chantry lands bequeathed for
masses by private individuals. Queen Mary, in spite of her
reactionary policy and her persecutions of the Reformers, did
not restore any of the confiscated lands that had been granted
away from the monks, though she did restore monks to
buildings, and perhaps even to property still derelict. Though
the Mass was re-established, the reformed service was not put
down by her with any thoroughness in Ireland; and when
Elizabeth succeeded, the civilised people of the country were
not yet divided into two hostile camps, guarded and disciplined
by hostile priests. The desire and the need of establishing an
University to educate the youth of the Pale and the cities, at
all events, was felt both by Roman Catholics and Protestants;
and in promoting the earnest and enlightened attempts of
Sir Henry Sidney to meet this want no one was more pro-
minent than James Stanihurst, a Roman Catholic, Recorder of
Dublin, and Speaker of the House of Commons. He was
the grandfather of Primate James Ussher, the staunchest of
Protestants.

^ Cf. Mon. Hih. i.

^ Cf. on their value Hogan's Ibentia Ignatiana, i. p. 68, quoted hereafter.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY ii

But the very desire to found an University implies the feeling
that it is a public need, and therefore implies some education
diffused throughout the public that desires it. What means
had the people of Ireland, in default of a learned or zealous
clergy, of obtaining education ? There were in some of the
v^alled cities schools under lay schoolmasters. Of these
we know that Waterford, Cork, Limerick, Kilkenny, and
Cashel received the sons of what were then the local gentry.
The sons of chieftains as important as the O'Sullivan Bere
were thus educated. It is remarkable that every one of these
schools, when we get any insight into them towards the
close of the century, are hotbeds of opposition to English
interests.

Here is some fragmentary evidence of education, or the lack
of it, in Elizabethan Ireland. In the Calendar of State
Papers, Ireland (1587, p. 342) Donald O'Sullivan says that
the heirs of that house were habitually brought up in Latin
and English and civility, but that Sir Owen was not. Their
own master, then but a child, was at school in the city of
Waterford. Sir Morogh ne Doe OTlaherty, the Lord of lar
Connaught, signs with his mark (ib. 471). The same vol.,
p. 390, mentions a young Scot, Davies Omey, who is secretary
to Sir T. Lynagh O'Neill, writes for him and keeps his seal.
Letters were dictated in Irish, and then done into Latin by
translators. In 1588 many Irish gentlemen (who are named)
have withdrawn their sons from school in Limerick, lest the
Spaniards (of the Armada) should take them as pledges.^
Young O'Rorke, a great personage, had been sent by his
mother, sister of Lord Clanrickard, to Limerick (p. 464) and
then to Oxford (p. 188). We have in the same vol. (p. 275)
a petition of Brian McGeoghan to the Queen, stating that he
has been compelled from poverty " to draw home two children
he was bringing up in England in good civility and literature."
We hear also 2 that McMahon's children know English and
^ State Papers (S. P.), 1588, p. 340. * ibid., 1593, p. 70.

12 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

are civilly educated. O'Donnell knows English, but hardly
speaks it, but can sign and date in English. ^

It is plain from these stray allusions that many Irish
chieftains, living in rude fashion at home and among their
clansmen, had felt the necessity of better education and culture
for their children. I am in doubt how far the confessions of
Bern. O'Donnell, a priest arrested with letters to the King of
Spain,2 are to be trusted. He says he was educated mostly
by his father in Ireland (Mayo) and did not leave it till he was
twenty-six years old, in 1588. But for Jesuit interference, as
will be shown presently, these youths would all have been sent
to Trinity College. The description of John FitzEdmund
Fitzgerald, of Clone (co. Cork) is that of a highly educated
gentleman (ib. p. 47), but we are not told where he was
educated. All these people used Irish as their habitual
language. Sorley Boy McDonnell writes and signs himself in
Irish, which was then hardly different from the language of
his home in Argyllshire. But there were many learned men
of good condition — Sir Henry Duke, Sir Nich. White, &c. —
able to interpret. Several of the bishops — t.e.^ Nich. Walshe,
of Ossory, who married an English wife 3 ; Garvey, Bishop of
Kilmore 4 ; Thos. Burke, Bishop of Kilmacduagh (of the
Mc William clan); and Owen O'Connor (Sligo), Bishop of
Killala, must have used Irish as their native tongue. In 1596 5
there is a petition of David Bourke, son of McWilliam
Eughter, educated at Oxford, made J. P. for Co. Mayo,
student in the Inns of London. The chief McWilliam, he
complains, is endeavouring to exile him.

Nehemiah Donnellan is recommended by Ormond in
1594 6 to succeed to the Archbishopric of Tuam, as he is
translating the Bible into Irish, the New Testament being
then in the press.

^ S. p., 1594, pp. 224, 289. » ibid., 1597, p. 351.

3 ibid., 1585, p. 8. 4 ibid., 1588, p. 118.

5 ibid., p. 155. ^ ibid., pp. 264, 307-8.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 13

There are several autograph letters from the Earl of Tyrone
in the S. P.^ showing that he wrote English as well as any-
English statesman. He had been educated for years in England.

But the great lords either kept a resident tutor for their
children, or sent them to England, whether to the Court or
the Universities. We know also that the higher-class citizens
of Dublin sent their sons to Cambridge, Oxford, and even
abroad for higher education. Of the Irish chieftains many
that knew no English could converse in Latin. When Shan
O'Neill appeared before the queen he could speak no English,
and signed his submission in Irish characters, yet he negotiates
with the Queen of England on almost equal terms. O'Conor
Sligo, at Hampton Court (November 8, 1568), speaks to the
queen through an interpreter. A strange picture of the barbarism
and civilisation existing side by side in great Irish houses is the
interview of a foreign nobleman who visited Mountjoy's
secretary, Fynes Moryson, as late as 1600. The traveller
landed from Scotland in O'Cahan's country, where he was
politely received by the ladies of the chieftain's household.
They brought him into a thatched cabin, which was their
residence, and having thrown off their mantles, sat down stark
naked round the hearth, inviting him to do likewise. Never-
theless, the chief, who comes on the scene presently, addresses
him fluently in Latin.2 As there were as yet no towns in
Ulster, which was far the most barbarous part of the island,
this Latin was probably learned from a resident tutor, such as
those we find at the same time educating the Earl of Tyrone's
sons. Old Sir Turlough O'Neill, who contributed liberally
to the foundation of Trinity College, seems to have been
very little educated, and probably spoke English imperfectly.
But his wife is noted for her speaking of three languages.3

^ 1590, p. 321 ; 1593, pp. 170-2.

= Cf. Sidney in Carew Papers (C. P.), ii. 49. o" his tour in 1575 m the
west : " I found McWilliam Eughter very sensible, though wanting the
English tongue, understanding the Latin."

3 C. P., ii. 349.

14 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The castles of Ormond, Kildare, Desmond, Thomond, Clan-
rickard, and even of the Mayo Burkes, were modelled after
English ideas. The owners were great lords even in England,
and they imported English refinements into their homes.
Tyrone, who was a polished courtier on the surface, with a
barbarous core, set up the same refinements at his house at
Dungannon. These few great establishments must have
taught the ruder gentry the meaning and value of civilisation.
We soon find it sporadically among obscure people far from the
towns. Thus the Earl of Sussex, making a progress through
the west as early as 1558, encamps "beyond O'Sheneshon's
(O'Shaughnessy's) called the Gorth [Gort in Co. Galway], and
at the said house dined so worshipfully, as divers wondered at it,
for the like was not seen at no Irishman's house." i Here is
another item. William Cantwell {temp. Henry VIII., about
1 541, S. P., iii. 526) complains that he had property in Co.
Kilkenny which was seized, with the connivance of Ormond
and the Bishop of Ossory, while he was absent at Oxford for
his education. He adds that unless he can obtain justice
"very few of the Irishry will put their children to learn
English, or be brought up as he was."

We may therefore picture to ourselves the country parts of
Ireland, mostly savage and uncultivated, but containing a good
many oases in the desert, and many men who desired further
enlightenment. Even in the cities, including the capital, I
take these contrasts to be the real cause of the conflicting
accounts we hear of their condition. Both Stanihurst's and
Rich's descriptions had their counterparts in reality. There
were many rich burghers, living in comfort and even luxury,
not without the refinement of that day, able to entertain
Edmund Spenser as well with hospitality as with good con-
versation. But there were also squalor, filth, and vice uncon-
cealed in the streets. The very existence of an officer under
the Corporation of Dublin, called " Warden of the beggars and

' C. P., i. 277.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 15

custos of the swine " ; the constant orders against allowing
either the former and the latter to roam about the streets
without control ; the apparently vain regulations against
throwing out " filthred " into the public ways — all this points
to the conclusion that even in Dublin civilisation was not yet
in the ascendant throughout the mass of the population. How
far the same was true of provincial English towns I leave an
open question. The enormous number of alehouses has been
mentioned, and we may be sure that at most of them aqua
vita^ "which sets the Irishman a-madding,"i was to be had
in spite of severe prohibitions.

Still worse was the state of sexual relations. If there be
one point on which all observers at this period agree, it is that
Irishwomen were then as notorious for their looseness as they
now are famed for their strictness in this respect.2 Strafford,
in the next century, gave the College authorities the same right
of entry into public houses in Dublin as the proctors have at
Oxford and Cambridge. The first fruits of this privilege were
the conviction of a student who passed the night in one of
them, instead of having the city gate opened and going home

* Carew Papers, ii. 398.

^ It is unnecessary to quote details upon this subject. All English
observers agree upon it. But if their evidence should be doubted, as that
of tourists, who (for obvious reasons) have this side of a country's
morals obtruded upon them, it is enough to cite the fact that every
chieftain at this period, without exception, is surrounded by "base
brothers," who are his rivals or open enemies, for bastardy in the first step
of descent was no bar to any inheritance ; i.e., a bastard son ranked with
the legitimate son in estimation, though a bastard's son did not. This is
clear evidence of the sexual looseness of Irish society at this time. When
therefore a man's origin was to be blackened, it was not enough to call
him a bastard ; something more unusual must be alleged. Thus it is said
of Patrick Condon, a great personage in East Cork, that " he was a foul
great lubber, whose mother was but eleven years old when he was
born ! " S. P., 1598-9, 499.

As a further indirect piece of evidence we may note what I may call
the Ptolemaic treatment of Irish princesses, who were handed about from
one husband to another for mere political convenience. Cf. C. P., ii. 172,
185, 198, 201 for instances.

i6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

to his father's house. In this case the penalties to which the
student and the woman who harboured him are subjected
show the character which these alehouses bore in public
estimation.^

As for material comforts, we hear that in a respectable house
in Galway there were still wooden shutters instead of glass
windows, as is the case in the Arcadia of our day, or in any
Greek villages far from the sea and from high-roads. On the
other hand William Daniell (1596), who preached the gospel in
the same town, had all his windows broken.^ Sir H. Sidney,
visiting Limerick officially in 1575, found it progressing well
in civilisation since his last visit ten years earlier.3 Indeed, his
whole impression of the country 4 is favourable, and he writes
in a hopeful spirit of the future, provided more opportunities of
education were given to the people.

But all these hoppful appearances, such as they were, in the
early part of Queen Elizabeth's reign, were blighted by three
baneful influences. The first was the outbreak of rebellion,
the consequent cruelties, and the devastation of the country.
These might have been thought untoward accidents, and might
possibly have been adjourned for a few years ; but they arose,
and must have presently arisen, from the other two, which
were world causes, almost impossible to neutralise. One
was the absolute want of sympathy between the great mass of
the English officials, new settlers and soldiers, and the Irish
natives ; the other the organised and vigorous crusade of the
Church of Rome, now represented by the Jesuits, against
Protestant England. As these causes are active even to the
present day, they are worthy of careful consideration.

Nothing is more remarkable in all this history, from the days
of the English conquest down to the present day, than the
assimilating power of the Irish. The dominant English that
live among them are without fail absorbed into the nation, and

» Cf. below, Chap. VI. = below, p. 35. 3 c. P., ii. 30.

* C. P., ii. 30, 38, 47, 21 (Waterford), and 479-80.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 17

presently bring their influence to aid the Irish side which they
were commissioned to suppress. The evidence of this fact in
the State Papers is overwhelming. Thus, in 1588,1 concern-
ing the state of Connaught, the Lord Deputy and Council
proclaim that " weighing and considering the cause how those
of the English race, as well within that province, as universally
throughout the land, are grown to such barbarous disordered
manner and trade of life, as heretofore hath been, and at this
day is used among the very Irish, in speech, habit, feeding,
trade of housekeeping, manners, conditions and conversations in
trade of life," they are fully resolved to enforce the old
Kilkenny Statutes against Irish habits, " the brief of which
laws they shall receive in a book lately put in print." There
follows (p. 565) an order "that all persons at all Sessions of
law, &c., do use and wear English attire and apparel, the judges
punishing all such as appear before them attired in mantles
and rolls, by fines and imprisonment, and to expel all glibbs."
There are large modern instances to corroborate these
arguments. The city of Dublin has been for many cen-
turies dominated by Northmen and then by Englishmen.
The officials, the professional men, the University men, the
leading traders were all at first, and for a long time. English-
men. The English language has been commonly, and for
the last 150 years universally, spoken in Dublin. Yet to
the present day Dublin is a thoroughly Irish city. Galway,
founded by English families settled for the mere purpose
of commerce in Connaught, secured by walls and forts
against the wild O'Flahertys and their followers, has never-
theless become so Irish that the " tribes of Galway " are
now cited by the public as specimens of what wild Irishmen
say or do. The result of this quality in the Irish race was that
the original settlers, and all their successors, down to the time
of the plantation of Ulster, being small bodies of men, and still
smaller of women, became, in spite of themselves, absorbed into

» S. P., p. 563.
C

i8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

the native population, adopted their dress and customs, and
adding their Anglo-Saxon sturdiness to the vivid national
sentiment of the mere natives, formed that remarkable blend
which has given Ireland all its great political leaders, literary
men, and soldiers, and made the real conquest of the country a
problem unsolved to the present day. It is easy to say, nowa-
days, with all the long history of English failures before us,
that the obvious policy of England, when the Tudors took
in hand the Irish problem, was to encourage this remarkable
blending of races. No effort should have been spared to find
out how much of the Brehon law, how much of the traditional
customs, was compatible with peace and order. The Irish
language should not have been proscribed, but utilised to teach
the natives to understand English law, justice and religion, with
the prospect that these would gradually make their way among
a people living under arbitrary and often capricious rulers.

Let me cite a parallel instance from a civilisation ancient in
date, but far more advanced than were the England and Ireland
of Henry VIII. When the Ptolemies undertook the control of
Egypt, and proceeded to weld it into a Hellenistic monarchy,
they found a large population of natives, directed by an old
established priesthood, with a hereditary nobility, primeval land
laws, traditions of ancient sanctity. To face these obstacles
they had a superior military force, a capital city settled with a
population of Hellenistic immigrants, two or three city settle-
ments of the same kind in the inner country, and the complete
control of imports and exports on the frontiers. But the
immigrant population was as nothing in numbers compared to
the millions of natives. Ptolemaic procedure under these cir-
cumstances, so far as we know it, would, indeed, have been a
useful lesson for the English to learn. They began by
persuading the priesthood and the nobility, if this latter was a
distinct force, to acquiesce in legitimising the new dynasty, as
the only remedy against internal anarchy and foreign invasion.
That was done by Henry VIII. for Ireland. In return they

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 19

secured and enlarged the endowments of the priesthood, until
their own power was consolidated. They took care to honour
and worship, at least outwardly, the national gods. The
Tudors boasted of burning the idols and sacred rites worshipped
or venerated in Ireland. As successors to the native dynasty the
Ptolemies found themselves possessed of extensive crown lands,
which they increased by escheating the estates of such as had
resisted their intrusion, or otherwise forfeited their rights by
law. On these crown lands they made plantations of
Hellenistic soldiers and traders, who spoke Greek, lived under
Greek law, and observed Greek customs. For these settle-
ments, and for the inland " Greek " towns they held assizes,
to which Greek judges made circuits. They had also Greek
benches of magistrates holding petty sessions. These courts
were open to native and settler alike. But they took care not
to wound Egyptian sensibilities by abolishing Egyptian law.
They permitted native courts, side by side with the Greek, and
native judges to settle disputes among the people in the native
language. Any dissatisfied litigant might appeal from the native
to the Greek courts. By this toleration they hoped to wean the
conquered population from what seemed to them barbarous and
obsolete, but hallowed by tradition and custom (like the Brehon
law in Ireland), to modern and enlightened procedure. They
permitted natives to own land ; they did not object to inter-
marriage of races ; they adopted the fiscal system of their
predecessors in most of its details. By this policy they
ultimately made Egypt a homogeneous and united people,
ardently loyal to the imported dynasty. But it was not
accomplished for several generations, during which the
Ptolemies had to contend with repeated native insurrections,
fomented by the native clergy, and carried on with cruelty and
treachery. Nor did they at last overcome these manifold
obstacles without ceding a great deal to the national sentiment.
Natives were promoted to the highest offices ; the ceremonial
of the court adopted many native practices, so much so that

20 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

the latest members of the dynasty pose as national sovrans
leading a united people to resist Syrian or Roman aggression.
It is indeed true that the Egyptian creed and civilisation
stood in a far higher relation to the Macedonian than did the
Irish to the English. But the general conditions are, never-
theless, very analogous. The country was too large and too
wanting in thoroughfares to be held by any garrison England
could command, or to have English judges distributing justice
in every district. Even a complete conquest would produce little
permanent result without a military occupation of a size and
cost wholly out of the question. It was therefore quite
obvious that the advice tendered by M'William Eughter, of
Mayo I and by Tyrone, was sound. The Queen must in the
wild districts have native chieftains as her lieutenants, with
Palatinate powers, keeping such order as they could by native
law among a population willing to obey them. Native law
should have been tolerated and recognised wherever the
Queen's writ did not run. Above all the mere Irish should
have been taught both law and religion through the medium of
the Irish language.^ If the native customs in war or in peace
were cruel or barbarous, the conduct of the more civilised
English should have afforded a contrast of humanity and
forbearance. But wherever an ancient custom was harmless,
such as the admission to the title of M'Carthy More by the
white wand handed him by O'SuUivan Bere, or to that of

^ S. p., 1589, p. 300 for the arguments in favour of a M'William over
Mayo. " It is not possible to rule so many bad people without a chief
man to command the rest. No peace will hold unless some one of
them carry authority of the country by some title" — of course a native
title.

= There is sporadic evidence that speaking Irish was thought a qualifi-
cation for promotion among the clergy. Thus Henry Ussher, one of the
founders of Trinity College, is recommended for the See of Armagh,
because he was very perfect in the Irish language (S. P., 1594, p. 311).
There is no evidence that his nephew, James, knew it. Cranmer had
ideas about the Irish language, cf. Bagwell's Ireland under the Tudors,
i. 369, also ii. 362, for the case of Robt. Dale, Bishop of Kildare.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 21

O'Neill by the O'Cahan throwing a shoe over his head,i it
should have been respected, and made a concomitant condition
of these chieftains' English earldoms.

Every one of these precautions was disregarded by the
English politicians who undertook to conquer and pacify
Ireland. The initial steps taken by Henry VIII. were easy
enough, and produced a " fear of him throughout the land."
But to be recognised king by the chiefs was only a preamble,
while to get rid of the Kildare chieftains, most of them by
judicial murders, was to undo the work of pacification. Nor
did either he or his statesmen, except in one solitary Act,^ think
of undoing the mischief worked by the statute of Kilkenny
and other such enactments, proscribing Irish dress, language,
customs, and law, and asserting a complete separation between
the races as essential to English interests. The fact brought
out so strongly, and proved from actual trials cited by Sir John
Davis, that up to the time of James I. the natives were not
persons in the eye of the British law, and that, therefore, no
Irishman (unless he belonged to the quinque sanguines^ or five
privileged clans) could obtain redress against an Englishman
for any outrage, was in itself enough to make the pacification
of the country impossible. The English were taught by the
law to despise the Irish as an inferior race, so that even to use
them as soldiers against civilised men was an outrage. Nothing
infuriated the mob of London so much against Strafford, and
made his reprieve impossible, as the belief that he had prepared
an army of Irish savages to invade England in the interests of

^ '* Given him with the brutish ceremonies incident to the same " is the
contemporary English estimate (C. P., ii. 339)-

2 This is the Act 33 Henry VIII., in the Council Book of Ireland,
beginning with the remarkable preamble : Quia nondum sic sapinnt leges
et jura, tit secundum ea jam immediate vivere et regi possint. Then
follow ordinances quite inconsistent with English law, such as paying
fines for manslaughter in the Irish countries, and the appointment of
orderers or arbitrators, to act instead of the Brehons. If this solitary
attempt at a compromise was the suggestion of Sir Anth. St. Leger, then
Deputy, he was a statesman of rare insight.

22 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Charles I. Nothing in the same war set the Parliamentarians
so bitterly against Prince Rupert as his employment of Irish
kerne among his troops. The pious Puritans executed them
at once, when made prisoners of war, until Rupert retaliated
by hanging an equal number of his English prisoners, to the
horror and astonishment of his foes.

We have, then, two great counteracting forces tending to
keep up disorder in Ireland. The first was the strong hand
of nature, producing intermarriage, assimilation, adoption
of native customs, wherever the English settlers had really
made a home in the country. The second was the persistent
policy of the English Government and new officials to keep
the natives distinct, if possible in blood, if not so at least in
privileges, customs, and language, from the English intruders.

We turn now to the most momentous and the most dis-
puted of all the factors in the condition of Ireland at the
moment when Trinity College was founded — the policy and
influence of the Roman Church. It is quite plain from the
evidence we have of the state of this Church in Ireland during
the earlier part of the century — the absence of any religious
education, the neglect and ruin of the parish churches, the
irreverence with which ecclesiastical property was raided by
the native chieftains — that it was not likely to resist with any
vigour a determined Reformation, carried out with patience and
persistency. At the command of Henry VIII. several of the
bishops had abjured the Papal supremacy, and were ready to
continue in their Sees under the new conditions. During the
oscillations of Church policy which followed the king's death
there was never a bold or steady claim set up for the re-
endowment of the religious houses. The titular bishops
and archbishops whom the Pope appointed in opposition
to the Crown were mostly absentees,^ and had shown no
fervour in maintaining the Roman supremacy. Typical

* As Dr. Groves has shown in his interesting essay, The Titular Arch-
bishops of Ireland in Queen Elizabeth's Reign (Dubhn, 1897).

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 23

examples of the selfish and time-serving episcopate of that
day are Miler Magrath, Archbishop of Cashel, the friend of
both sides, the adviser both of Queen Elizabeth and of the
rebels, the plunderer of the property of his See ; and William
Lally, Archbishop of Tuam, v^^hom we find accused in the
correspondence of the day by each side as belonging to the
other. Both w^ere married men, both were engaged in
enriching their families ; neither of them would have faced
the smallest danger to support either Roman or Reformed
principles. There were, indeed, exceptions, such as Dr.
Creagh, titular Archbishop of Armagh, and the Pope's
legate, whose activity and ubiquity is the subject of many
letters and inquiries ; but in general the machinery of the
Church of Rome in Ireland was far too rusty and out of
repair to save the country from conversion to Protestantism.
Yet there were old and still active causes of antagonism
between England and Ireland, old wounds caused by violence
and oppression, which were cicatrised in the short intervals of
peace, such as in the days of Sidney or of Perrot, but recru-
descent and inflamed with every outbreak of disorder. Sir
John Davis, when rehearsing all the causes which had
impeded the complete conquest of Ireland, wholly ignores
the influence of the Roman Church, which he nevertheless
had seen the promoter of the fiercest rebellion that had ever
arisen against the English power. Nor do his many extant
letters show any want of appreciation of this new and
powerful cause. But though he does not write it explicitly,
he plainly felt that the opposition of Rome was not one of
the old historic causes producing separation, and that difference
of race and habits, together with blunders of policy, were ample
causes to explain all the earlier phenomena. He omits alto-
gether from his historical review the recent causes aiding and
abetting Irish rebellion, and he accordingly thought this mischief
had been finally removed by Mountjoy's campaigns, and by
King James's enlightened policy of peace.

24 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

For a long time back the friars, especially the Dominicans
and Franciscans, had laboured to keep alive the sparks of
religion, the respect for the sacraments, among a neglected
and barbarous people ; but, as we have already learned from
Spenser, this veneration for the forms of the Roman ritual
v^^as, at least among the country folk, a mere superstition
without rational foundation,^ and the sacrificing priest was
little more than a "medicine man" among savages. The
adventures of Captain Cuellar, wrecked from the Armada
on the coast of Sligo, show us the real condition of the
"mere Irish" as late as 1588. He describes them as
Christians indeed, but as ignorant and reckless savages.
Nor had they any local priesthood to teach them that the
Spaniards were their best friends, and likely to save them from
English tyranny, which they had felt and already hated.
The barbarous population thought of nothing but wrecking
and plundering the strangers, and of murdering them in case
of resistance. They thus played directly into the hands of
Fitzwilliam and his very small force, which might easily have
been checked, and terms made, had the natives or their
advisers possessed one spark of political sense or the smallest
rudiments of political education. So utterly useless and power-
less were the local clergy in a province not yet seriously
affected by the Reformation, or peopled with reformed
ministers. It is a lamentable truth that the English clergy
appointed to cures of souls by the bishops or ministers of
Elizabeth were hardly of better mould.2 There is myriad

^ "The fault I find in Religion is but one, but the same is universal
throughout all that country ; that is that they be all Papists by their pro-
fession, but in the same so blindly and brutishly informed (for the most
part) that not one amongst one hundred knoweth any ground of Religion,
or any article of his faith ; but can perhaps say his Pater-noster, or his
Ave-Maria, without any knowledge or understanding what one word
thereof meaneth." — Ed. 1763, p. 129.

* In many cases, however, the old curate must have been continued in
his charge. Thus in a tract on the state of Munster in 1587 (S. P., p. 463)
the writer recommends to repress the kerne and exalt the churl, to have

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 2^

evidence that the newly-established clergy was as slothful, as
idle, as selfish as their predecessors had been. No care had
been taken to rebuild the ruined parish churches,^ or to insist
on a resident parochial clergy, or to prevent shameful accumu-
lation of pluralities in greedy and godless hands. The unfortu-
nate natives, long neglected or plundered by their idle and
selfish shepherds, were now being invaded and plundered by a
pack of wolves under the guise of a reformed clergy.

But the whole aspect of things changed during the last thirty
years of the century, and more especially during the last ten.
A great revival of the Roman faith occurred, which has not
yet been perceived or described by any historian of Ireland.
Yet the main facts are still easy of access, and speak for
themselves.

It is now a matter of common knowledge that it was the
influence of the Jesuits which educated a few Roman Catholic
princes to stay the rapid progress of Protestantism in Germany
in the next century. The Jesuits were the real promoters of
the Thirty Years* War, and it was that terrible war, while
it threw back Germany at least a century in civilisation and
in progress, which saved for the Roman Church what still
remains to it in the German and Austrian Empires.

As early as 1540 the great Ignatius himself had turned his
attention to an Irish mission, and in 1552 he suggests to
Cardinal Pole the expediency of training clever Irish youths
in foreign colleges in order that they might return and teach
the natives in their own language. Accordingly single Jesuits,
such as David Woulfe, were sent to Ireland, and, in agreement

the Lord's Prayer and the Belief [/.e., Credo] taught in English where
the incumbent can, and in Irish, where he may not have so much learning ;
to erect free schools, &c. These incumbents who knew no English must
have been men that kept their places by conforming, really or nominally,
to the Anglican doctrines. Moreover, they must have been "massing
priests " ordained in Ireland without any foreign education.

^ C. P., ii. 458. In 1587 there were one hundred ruined churches in the
diocese of Leighlin. In 1600 (S. P., 273) similar complaints are made of
Dublin and Meath.

26 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

with the general policy of the Order, at once attacked the subject
of education. With their exceptional abilities and training they
easily obtained influence over the schools existing or founded
in the cities, and so began to train the youth of the better
classes to understand and maintain the creed of their fathers.
This they did in Cork, Kilkenny, Limerick, Youghal,
possibly even in Dublin, where the watchfulness of educated
Puritans made the task more difficult and dangerous.

In 1564 Pope Pius IV. issued a bull authorising his Arch-
bishop Creaghe and David Woulfe the Jesuit to found and
endow from ecclesiastical property Universities in Ireland on
the model of Paris and Louvain.^ This Woulfe, harried by
the Irish Government, and escaping with difficulty from
Tarbert to Spain, could nevertheless boast that he had con-
verted the Anglican Bishop of Limerick (WiUiam Cahessy or
Casey), who wrote his recantation and resignation to "the
Rev. Lord David Woulfe, appointed the apostolic messenger
for all Ireland from the most holy Lord the Pope." 2

Notwithstanding these symptoms of success, we learn from
a letter of the general of the Order to James FitzMaurice in
Paris (June, 1578) that he thought the moment for a larger
mission to Ireland not yet come 3. He says he is waiting for
the fulness of time, which lies in God's hand. We may
interpret that he was waiting for the results of the Spanish
Armada, which was in preparation for many years before it
really set out.

This delay is all the more remarkable because the Pope had
thrown down the glove and challenged the contest by his
bull of 1570, declaring the queen illegitimate, a heretic, and
not the lawful sovran of England. In this document he
acquitted all her Roman Catholic subjects of their allegiance.
But this action of the Pope was evidently thought premature
by the Jesuits. So it was, strange to say, by Philip 11. of
Spain, whose letter shows how slowly and badly these docu-
* Hogan's Ihcrnia Ignatiana, pp. 14-15. ^ ibid., p. 18. 3 ibid., p. 24.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE \6th CENTURY 27

ments, even Papal bulls, were then published. Here are his
words to Don Guerau de Spes, his ambassador in England.^

" What I have now to say is that the copies I received from you
of the two bulls despatched by his HoHness, one declaring the queen
schismatic and depriving her of the throne, and the other written to
the Earls of Westmoreland and Northumberland [in support of
Mary Queen of Scots] were the first information I had received
on the subject. His HoHness has taken this step without communi-
cating with me in any way, which certainly has surprised me,
because my knowledge of English affairs is such that I believe I
could give a better opinion on them, and the course that ought to
have been adopted under the circumstances, than any one else.
Since, however, His Holiness allowed himself to be carried away
by his zeal, he no doubt thought that what he did was the only thing
requisite for all to turn out as he wished, and if such were the case
I, of all the faithful sons of the Holy See, would rejoice the most.
But I fear that not only will this not be the case, but that this
sudden and unexpected step will exacerbate things there, and drive
the queen and her friends the more to oppress and persecute the
few good Catholics still remaining in England."

This very curious letter expresses what I suppose to have been
the Jesuit policy at this moment, which speaks of waiting for
the fulness of time. It also offers a curious commentary upon
Philip's orthodoxy, and his acceptance of the infallibility of the
Pope, speaking officially the voice of the Church.

Indeed the general character and attitude of Philip II. are
sufficient to give us the key to the long delays in the prose-
cution of the Jesuit campaign. The king was very slow,
cautious, hesitating ; he was being constantly urged to take
up the cause of the Pope against the English queen. We
now know from the Spanish correspondence published that he
was indeed a sincere Catholic, but mainly from State reasons,
because he saw in Protestantism the rise of private judgment
in politics, and so the gravest danger to that monarchical
despotism which he cherished beyond all other objects. It is
now equally well known that Elizabeth was a Protestant, not
^ S. p., Spanish, 1569-78, p. 254.

28 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

from religious fervour and conviction, but from its political
significance in opposing foreign enemies. Hence the Jesuits
might well hope for either a Spanish conquest, or such an
accommodation to avoid it as would give them a free hand not
only in Ireland, but in England. If Philip and the Jesuits had
acted twenty years sooner, who can say that they would not
have been victorious ? But the king's stupid caution lost the
opportunity. Protestantism made giant strides in England ; the
queen became popular even among Recusant Englishmen,
and so the whole nation was welded together to oppose the
invasion of 1588, which ended in disastrous failure.

But in Ireland the effect of the Jesuits was already mani-
fest. They had so far reconquered the towns, that even in
Dublin the lawyers, aldermen, and other important citizens
regarded the defeat of Spain as an Irish disaster, and absented
themselves from the thanksgiving service in Christ Church
Cathedral.!

The failure of the Armada seems to have shown the Jesuits
that a Spanish conquest of England was now very improbable.
They did not, indeed, cease to stimulate Philip to renew his
efforts, and in the second Armada, wrecked off Cape Finisterre
in January, 1597, ^ large number of Irish ecclesiastics was
drowned. Of Jesuits alone, twenty-three were on board, of
whom several were lost. But they had begun to fight with
different weapons. They preached an assiduous propaganda in
the Irish towns. The scholars they had influenced were
growing or grown up. And now for the first time the
national quarrel of Ireland with England, a quarrel of race,
is identified with a religious quarrel, that of the Anglican
with the Roman Church. As in Germany in the next
generation, the Jesuits were not content to convert the schools,
they made themselves indispensable to the Irish chieftains.
This was notorious in the case of Tyrone. Even in the case
of Shan O'Neill, whose revolt was in no way a religious revolt,
^ S. P., pp. 365, 397. Cf. also pp. 109, 120 of same volume.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 29

they had so influenced him that he poses in London as a
zealous Catholic, attends mass secretly in the Spanish am-
bassador's house, and is reported by him to Philip as " being so
good a Christian that he cuts off the head of any man who
dares to enter his dominion, if he be not a Catholic." Almost
all the letters sent by Tyrone to Lords Deputies are mani-
festly composed and probably written by Jesuit hands — most
eminently the demand for an University " endowed from the
Crown lands, wherein all the sciences shall be taught after the
Roman Catholic manner."

This brings us to the question of higher education for both
laity and clergy. The conviction that Ireland needed free
schools (which had been nominally established by a statute
II Eliz.), and an University wherein the better youth might be
educated, had for a generation forced itself upon thinking
people of every creed. The project of making an University
out of the buildings and endowments of S. Patrick's, an old
collegiate church regarded as a sort of second cathedral, close
to Christ Church, was in Elizabeth's 'mind since 1563,^
and was an instruction not only to Perrot, but already to
Sidney. So, too, the Plantation of Ulster was in her mind,
and attempted more than once, but as a bulwark against the
invading Scots, not against the rebellious Irish. There can be
no doubt that the mistake in policy of seizing an existing endow-
ment, and violating vested interests, delayed the execution of
Elizabeth's project for twenty-five years, during which the
Jesuits were re-converting the generation which should have
filled Trinity College. The quarrel about S. Patrick's became
very violent between the imperious Perrot and the wily and
tenacious Loftus, who, together with his archbishopric, had
managed to secure a dozen of the appointments in S. Patrick's
for himself and his friends. This quarrel therefore became so
absorbing that it stopped all progress in the real and important
object of which all approved. These considerations show that
' C. P., i. 359-

30 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Loftus, far from being the founder of Trinity College, as he is
represented in Taylor's and Stubbs' histories, was rather the
chief obstacle that delayed its foundation till the golden
opportunity had been lost. He promoted its foundation
on the site of All Hallowes because this scheme saved S.
Patrick's and its revenues from further danger of being
alienated to a great national purpose.

Meanwhile the necessity for an Irish University had become
more and more pressing, on account of the re-adoption of an
old policy, laid aside since the reigns of Richard II. and of
Queen Mary. The former had planted English settlers in
the wilder parts of Wexford and on the coast of Wicklow.
The latter had built Maryborough and Philipstown in the
O'Moore's and O'Connor's countries (Leix and Offaly), and
settled round these fortified towns a similar plantation,
Elizabeth, upon the defeat and attainder of the Earl of
Desmond, determined to utilise his vast estates, or rather the
territories over which he claimed suzerainty — more than
550,000 acres stretching across the south of Ireland from
Youghal to Tralee — in settling there (1588) English gentlemen
and yeomen for the civilisation of the country and its defence
against future rebellions. It was obvious that these people's
children, if sent back to England for education, would never
make permanent settlements. They must therefore be pro-
vided for in Ireland, and it was by these and other such
planters that Trinity College was supplied, in its earliest years,
with pupils. But on the other hand, this plantation, which
was all but ruined by the bloody outburst of popular fury,
under Tyrone's instigation, in 1598, must have afforded the
Jesuits a new and potent argument with the Irish to join in
resisting every English influence. It was now plain that what
England coveted was Irish land. If a chieftain rose in arms,
and was conquered in open war, not only was he attainted,
exiled, and ruined, but all his dependants, all the lesser men
who were members of his clan, and had lesser rights to

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 31

portions of land under his suzerainty, were dispossessed, and
their property given to strangers. Ancient freeholds, ancestral
traditions, the rights of land property so dear to the Irish
nature ^ — all were rudely violated.

Yet for the moment England triumphed, and by the zeal
and persistence of Henry Ussher, Luke Challoner, and the
Protestant party among the citizens of Dublin, the site of All
Hallowes, a suppressed Augustinian house which had been
granted sixty years before to the Corporation of Dublin, at their
eager petition, by Henry VIII. , was allotted for the new College
and University.

The Jesuits were keenly alive to the danger. In a supplica-
tion addressed to the Pope for aid in Ireland, they speak as
follows 2 : —

" Sixthly, though Ireland was once such a school of religion and
learning that many came from neighbouring nations to learn, and
from it went out many to special knowledge and faith abroad, this
glory had gradually decayed, whether by frequent and fierce in-
vasions of foreign nations {i.e., Northmen) or because of the constant
civil wars among the chiefs,3 or by other concurrent causes. At all
events the English [who] became masters of Ireland, though at first
they corrected there some things inconsistent with the Christian re-
ligion, yet afterwards deliberately contrived to keep the natives in the
gloom of barbarous ignorance, so as thus to retain them like slaves
in abject obedience.'* Whence it happened that the Irish, though
full of genuine love of the Catholic faith, were not educated enough

^ This love of land is often spoken of as something curious and un-
reasonable in the Irish. In Elizabeth's days it was merely the desire to
protect the only property they possessed. Their only wealth was cattle,
in which they actually paid almost all their accounts. They had hardly
any agriculture, no commerce, no houses worth selling, no industries to
occupy their energies. Hence the lesser chieftain or country gentleman,
if dispossessed, had no resource left except to adopt the profession of arms
abroad, or cattle-lifting at home.

= Ih. Ig., p. 36. 3 In this Spenser and Davis agree.

* Observe how the 400 religious houses are absolutely ignored as
educators. It is worth remarking that this is the very argument used
nowadays by violent Protestants against the Roman Catholic hierarchy in
Ireland.

32 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

to detect and repel that corruption of religion which for some
decades of years the English have sought by fraud and force to
introduce into Ireland. This policy of keeping the Irish in
ignorance dates from the days when the Catholic faith flourished
both in England and Ireland, but now, a year or two since, a new
policy has been adopted, whereby England, devoted to heresy,
may draw Ireland into the same snare, and bind it closer to itself.
This is the building of a certain ample and splendid College beside
Dublin, in which the Irish youth shall be taught heresy by English
teachers. From this College a great danger threatens the Irish."

The Roman Catholic counterblast was very significant.
While the new College near Dublin was in course of building,
Irish Colleges — that is to say, Colleges for the reception and
education of the higher class Irish students, both lay and
clerical — were founded at Lisbon (by Peter Houling, S.J.), Val-
ladolid, Salamanca (by Peter White, S.J.), not to speak of
special inducements for Irish students to go to Louvain and
Douay for their training in theology and Irish politics. In
support of this the Jesuits kept urging O'Neill, O'Donnell,
and other chiefs to rebel ; they kept urging Philip and the
Pope to send them aid, and they began to convert the people
of the towns from sullen acquiescence and secret opposition to
the Anglican Church into declared adherence to the Pope, and
to his secular arm, the King of Spain. For many years of her
imprisonment Mary Queen of Scotland was upheld as the
legitimate Queen of England, and so long as James VI., her
son, gave promise that he would be a Roman Catholic his
claims were also supported by Spain and the Vatican. But
when he turned heretic there are many statements in the
Spanish correspondence of Bernardino de Mendoza, the
Spanish ambassador in England, that Philip was the next heir
after Mary to the throne of England, and the king takes
special credit that he does not propose to add England formally
to his dominions. The soul of the Jesuit movement was at
this time Archer, a Kilkenny man, who reminds us of the
mission of Gylippus to Syracuse, to put life and spirit into

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 33

the defence against the dilatory and unsteady attack or
Nicias and the far superior armament under his command.

There were never many Jesuits sent to Ireland. But
those that came were generals or organisers ^ of the Roman
Catholic revival, who claimed from the Pope control and
direction over the ignorant secular clergy, and maintained
their pre-eminence, though not without internal disputes.
Two such ambitious and dominant spirits as FitzSimon and
Archer were not likely to assume control of the secular
clergy or even to co-operate without friction. But this does
not now concern us. There is another class of ecclesiastic
constantly mentioned in the State correspondence of the time,
which is never, so far as I know, clearly defined. I allude to
seminarists and seminaries^ which seem to mean deacons or
priests educated at the foreign schools, in contrast to the home
clergy, ordained in Ireland by the Popish bishops. The
relative danger of these three classes to the English control of
Ireland is very clearly expressed in a document issued by Sir
H. Brouncker, President of Munster, at the opening of King
James's reign (i6o4).2 In this he orders all Roman ecclesiastics
to depart from the country before the following September,
and for any of them found after that date and produced he
offers as a reward for a Jesuit £^0^ for a Seminary £6 3s. 4d.,
for a massing priest £^, These figures would be fairly
represented by ^^300, ;f 50, and ^40 at the present value of
money. The relative estimates, made by a man who knew
the country well, speak for themselves.

The Jesuit crusade had by that time already borne its
dangerous harvest. But we must quote in detail some of the
evidences for this sudden spiritual revolution in the Ireland
of Oueen Elizabeth's closing years. Loftus, writing to
Burghley,3 and complaining of the increase of recusancy,

■= " Ex hac schola, velut ex equo Trojano, meri principes exierunt," as
Cicero says,
= S. P., 1603-6, p. 190. 3 ibid., 1590, p. 365.

D

34 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

dates its origin six years back, when Lord Deputy Perrot,
following the advice of Nich. Whyte and Nugent (eminent
native lawyers), declared for liberty of conscience. Since then
there is a general refusal to go to church, because the statutory
fine of 1 2d. for each absence is not enforced. How superficial
and false was the view of Loftus, whose main object was to
damage Perrot, appears from a letter of the very Nich. Whyte
just mentioned to Burghley,i wherein he notes that " the sting
of rebellion, which in times past remained among the Irishry,
is transferred and removed into the hearts of the civil gentle-
men, aldermen and burgesses and rich merchants of Ireland,
papistry being the original cause and ground thereof." This
account agrees perfectly with what Sir J. Davis says some
years later about Ulster,^ that the population before the Planta-
tion, and even after the defeat of Tyrone, was quite ready to
conform to the Anglican Church. There were at that time
no towns, no merchants, no trade in all Ulster.3 Here is the
evidence of William Lyon, Bishop of Cork, in July, 1 597,4
when the war with Tyrone was in progress. Having stated
that the muster of troops to serve in the north, from Car-
bery to Bantry, had been a complete failure, owing to the
power of the priests, who were Tyrone's partisans, he pro-
ceeds : " But the cities and towns are very well furnished
with weapons, and show themselves very perverse and obstinate,
the young merchants among them going to their masses with
daggers and pistols ready prepared." None of these would
serve in Ulster against Tyrone. Even magistrates now refuse
the oath of allegiance. Hence, " Within the last two years
where I had i,ooo or more in church at sermon, I have now
not five, and whereas I had 500 communicants and more, I

"■ S. P., p. 341. '^ ibid., 1606, p. 468.

3 Knockfergus (/.e., Carrickfergus) had a charter, but only fifteen or
twenty burgesses. Newry was a mere fort. Armagh was so barbarous a
place, despite its cathedral and religious houses, that the Primate resided
at Drogheda. The cathedral was burnt by Shan O'Neill.

4 S, P., 1597, p. 13 sq.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE \6th CENTURY 35

have now not three, and not one woman at either,^'* This was
in Cork ; he thinks Waterford even worse. There was now
not one Irish preacher in Munster to teach the country people,
but that mattered little, for the towns led the country. " In
them," says Sir J. Norreys,i "where the most of the inhabitants
are of English race, yet they are more Spanish in heart than
the country people." Carew and his Council write, two years
later, " Besides, the priests have in their devilish doctrine so
much prevailed among the people in general in the province,
as for fear of excommunication very few dare serve against
the rebels, and this infection has so far crept into the cities
and corporate towns, as the chief magistrates and mayors
thereof do now refuse to come to the church, which at no
time heretofore hath been seen^"* ^ Thomond writes from
Limerick, a few years later, " I never saw them obstinater or
unsweeter than they are now."

The suddenness of the change described by Lyon is fully
corroborated by William Daniell, one of the earliest products
of Trinity College, who in writing to BurghleyS as a " preacher
of the Word," says he was chosen by the Lord Deputy and
Council to preach the Word of God in Galway, at the suit of
the magistrates of that town, and all the bishops of the
province. He came readily, though "he was very necessarily
employed as a reader in Her Majesty's new College in Dublin.
He has now spent three quarters of a year most painfully (/.f.,
diligently) in instructing the people both in the English and
Irish tongues, with great hope of prospering, having already
rooted out their famous idol, which they served. But through
the suggestion of these traitorous seminaries, the smoking fire-
brands of all these troubles, they have been of late persuaded to
stone him, and have attempted this, as his chamber windows
can testify. Now the people dare not hear sermons, baptize or
marry, except according to Roman superstition."

» S, P., p. 53. ' Quoted in F. M'Carthy's Life and Letters, p. 260.

3 S. P., September, 1596, p. 121.

36 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Bishop Lyon discloses to us one active cause of this disloyalty,
which we have already noticed. The bishop examines the
schoolmasters in Cork, and makes search quarterly for the books
taught in their schools. He finds Her Majesty's titles torn out
of the grammars all through the diocese, "though the books
came new from the merchants' shops." He forthwith commits
the schoolmasters to prison, and asks what further punishment
he shall inflict. He also suggests an order " that no scholar
shall depart the realm to go beyoud the seas to any University,
save those of England. "^ Reform the cities and towns, he adds,
and you reform all the countries round about them. He
repeats that all this mischief is only two years old.'^

The sole remedy which these worthy men can suggest is
greater stringency of the law. But severity had often been
tried and failed. However a single governor of absolute
heartlessness may keep up for his time a rule of oppression,
no succession of rulers can do it. Most men have within
them instincts of humanity ; most men prefer, if possible, to
govern by persuading rather than by terrifying their subjects.

If we come to consider how the Jesuits obtained their
sudden and enormous influence over the whole of Ireland
within a very few years, we can answer it at once as
regards the inhabitants of the wild country. Since the
Munster plantation of 1588 it was easy to persuade the

* This seems to prove that the schoohnasters had foreign education.

2 Yet we find that in Waterford, an old hotbed of Recusancy, a Protes-
tant schoolmaster was refused by the town as early as 1583 (S. P., 1583,
p. 573) ; and in 1582 Sir N. Malbie in his valuable notes on Ireland (C. P.
ii. 310) says that the new phase of the quarrel is the introduction of
religion into it. There is an interesting general account of the country
in a letter from Sir J. Dowdall to Burghley in 1595 (pp. 485-8). He also
attributes the whole rebellious spirit to the towns, and there to the schools.
" Every town is established with Sunday schools, where the noblemen and
gentlemen's sons of the country do repair. These schools have an idola-
trous or superstitious schoolmaster, and each school overseen by a Jesuit,
whereby, &c. Hence they go to Spain, Italy, Rheims — young men both
of the English and Irish nation." He: also says that Waterford led
the way.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 37

local chiefs not actually dispossessed that their turn would
come next, and that the rule of the English queen meant
not only coercion of conscience, and change of old laws and
customs, but the confiscation of land, and the abolition of the
privileges of chieftaincy, which were very great, and to which
many members of each clan might aspire. For the Irish
Brehon law knew no entail on the eldest son, such as the
new law imposed.

Every chieftain, from Tyrone downwards, was attended and
watched by a Jesuit, or a friar, who instructed him in this
policy. As regards the poorer people, there was ample evidence
that English rule was a rule of cruelty, and of cruelty on the
part of strangers, which has a different effect on men's minds
from those cruelties to which they have been used from their
hereditary chiefs. The progress of a Lord Deputy, not only
in war, but in pretended peace, was frequently a progress
in blood. Thus Sir William Drury in 1578 reports his
doings at Kilkenny.^

Lord Gray of Wilton likewise reports that during his
deputyship (September, 1581, to November, 1583) "1,485
chief men and gentlemen have been slain, not counting those
of meaner sort, nor yet executions by law, and killing of churls
innumerable." And yet these poor churls were the only
natives who made any attempt at cultivating the country.
Such statements remind us of the Germany of the Thirty
Years' War.

Nevertheless it was not a time of dangerous war, and we have
at this very date a widely expressed desire for higher education
with various proposals.^ The students of Trinity College, for
years after its first foundation, could not pass the Castle on

^ C. P., ii. 144.

= S. P., 1583. Proposal of Rev. Robert Draper to found an University at
Trim, p. 513 ; Nich. Taaffe's plan for schools in Ulster, p. 562, and Mr.
Attorney Calthorpe's letter to Walsingham, p. 519 ; also the proposal of
Archbishop Lancaster of Armagh to erect a free school with scholarships
to be held at S. Edmund's HalC Oxford (S. P., 1581, p. 302).

38 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

their way into Dublin without seeing the heads of great natives
rotting over the battlements. One deputy (Russell) even
complains ^ that the air is corrupted with the number of
them. The four quarters of a Wicklow outlaw 2 are carried
to Dublin to be so exposed, while his head is sent over to
Queen Elizabeth, to her just dissatisfaction.

St. Leger in his province of Munster orders (January, 1579)
that all rhymers, bodrags, coursers of horses, makers of aqua
mta (among others) are to be executed by martial law.3

But there were worse things than these. It was the custom
of both Irish chieftains and English deputies when accepting
surrenders of their foes to demand as pledges of their sincerity
children or near relatives of their subdued enemy, who were
kept in ward, and whose lives were the first to be sacrificed if
that enemy renewed his revolt. There were constantly a
number of these unfortunate prisoners, mostly children, in
Dubhn Castle whose life hung upon a thread, and whose
support was often neglected and sometimes repudiated by
the parsimonious queen and her grasping officials, so that they
were living on scant charity, or the very irregular assistance
sent them from their homes.4 In 1589 the constant reports of
Bingham's cruelties in Connaught, whereby the inhabitants
were being scared from their homes and the province desolated,
produced a Commission of high officials from Dublin, to
report upon his conduct. Among other details they tell us
that they found in camp three children — Burkes of Mayo — as
pledges, the eldest 14, all of whom had learned English, and
could read and write, being scholars. These Bingham was
about to execute, owing to some recrudescence of rebellion

^ s. P., 1597, p. 315.

=* Feagh McHugh (S. P., 1597, pp. 286, 300).

3 C. P., ii. 197.

4 S. P., 1588, p. 155 and 163 : "They lie in the grate to beg and starve
whatever is their quality, they (their relations ?) so use them." I suppose
the grate is the grille, through which prisoners received charity from
their friends, as was the case in our day at the gaol in Athens.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 39

in Mayo, but the Commission objected. Bingham, however,
took the opportunity of their being at supper to carry out his
purpose " most devilishly and Turkishly," for the children
begged to see a priest and confess themselves, and died vs^ith
the most pathetic heroism. The result of this brutality was
that the whole province joined O'Donnell and Tyrone, and all
the English settlers were driven out in a tew days (in 1596), as
they were in Munster in 1 598.1 Sir William Drury 2 goes even
further, and threatens to kill two little children, sons of Rory
Oge, at Leighlin, whom he has in pledge, with tortures^ and in
sight of their relations in the opposing force, by way of intimi-
dation. Carew also 3 threatens to execute an infant son of
the Knight of Glyn, but spares him at the last moment.
These horrors we hear not from adversaries, but from
official reports and letters, or from the complaints of humane
men like Sir William Herbert, who speaks frequently of Sir
Henry Denny's " fury, rigour and outrageousness towards the
Irish" (Kerry), whom Herbert is seeking to civilise with
gentleness and to instruct through the medium of their
native language.4 In 1598 5 we hear that Captain Thomas
Lee, an adventurer of doubtful loyalty, meeting a pardoned
rebel. Art O'Toole, in the Co. Wicklow, who was under
English protection and had his licence upon him, " pulled out
his eyes," and so left him upon the road ; apparently Lee had

» In 1596 Sir J. Norreys reports (S. P., p. 21) that Bingham has lost
forty-six strong castles, besides forts in Roscommon, and seated in Mayo
six or seven score English gentlemen in good castles and houses, all
driven out without resistance. Of the 35,000 sent over from England
(when and where ?) only 1,000 remain ; the rest are dead, or converted
into Irish. Both he and Fenton ascribe this failure directly to Bingham's
cruelty (p. 108), " without forming the people first to love Her Majesty
and her Government, it is vain to expect that they will remain in duty
and subjection" (Norreys), and Fenton accordingly calls Bingham
Iniprovido.

= C. P., ii. 141. 3 ibid., iii. 333, 41 1-

4 Cf. also the Bishop of Ross's letter on the cruelties used towards the
Irish in Hamilton's Pref. to S. P., 1574-85, PP- "v-vi.

5 S. P., pp. 75, loi.

40 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

been dispossessed, by Lord Burgh's authority, of some O'Toole
land given him by Fitzwilliam. Worse than this hideous crime
is the difficulty of inflicting punishment for it, and the cool
way in which it is discussed by the Government officials.

These facts — a few selected from a very long catalogue
of what we know, and this but a fraction of what really
happened — explain to us how easily the Jesuits persuaded the
mass of the Irish poor throughout the wild country that
English domination would afford them no escape from cruel
oppression.

There was another side to English tyranny, cloaked under
legal procedures, which weighed upon that most obscure but
most important class, the small Irish or Anglo-Irish land-
holders, scattered through the country. When great lords
were attainted and their fortunes escheated, their lands were
ascertained by survey and distributed to new owners, except in
such cases as when titles from the Crown could be produced by the
smaller proprietors. Of such titles there were many, especially
among the older Anglo-Irish settlers, who had been obliged,
from stress of circumstances and want of support from England,
to submit to the suzerainty and the exactions of a Desmond or
a MacCarthy More. When the great acts of confiscation had
been carried out, these people, if then unmolested or recognised as
owners, should have been safe. But no ; there were two engines
of torture still brought to bear upon them — the search after
"concealed lands" and the Inquisition into defective Titles. It
was alleged, no doubt truly, that the survey of the great escheated
estates had been inaccurate, that many corners and outlying
townlands had been overlooked, and that in this way the Crown
had been defrauded of its rights. These scattered bits of land
must frequently have been small freeholds, deliberately omitted
from the escheat either by the benevolence, or negligence, or
ignorance, innocent or interested, of the surveyors. The
grasping queen, and her more grasping Exchequer, per-
mitted or encouraged individual adventurers to scour the

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6rH CENTURY 41

country, collect evidence, and inform the Crown of these
Concealments, The reward was a grant of such lands to the
discoverer at a small head-rent, which he far more than
recovered by letting them to the occupier, hitherto a free-
holder, now made a tenant, with the possibility of being
ejected. It was an everyday petition ot men seeking a
pension or income for their services from the Crown to
ask it from the profits of "concealed lands now unjustly
detained from the queen." The petitioner undertook the
search at his own cost, and his pension would not diminish the
present income of the State. Worse, if possible, was the
informer against some old title, hitherto unsuspected, and
apparently given by the Crown of England as the security
against disturbance, but now questioned as defective in form, or
as void owing to the non-fulfilment of some of its forgotten
clauses. The people of Waterford, we are told,i are satisfied
to see the lands of recently attainted rebels divided, " but it
goeth hard with them, and not without murmur, to see the
Commission stretched to inquire of old concealments, such as
have lien in their possession many years."

Among the individuals notorious for prosecuting such
inquiries for their own profit was Richard Boyle — after-
wards first Earl of Cork, and ultimately a great benefactor
to the South of Ireland — and Patrick Crosbie of Mary-
borough. The latter was employed by the new College
to find for them concealed lands from which they could
derive ;^I00 per annum, the allowance given them by the
queen out of this doubtful and unpopular source. They
petition the Lord Deputy that ample evidence for the lands
they require will be found in " Mr. Boyle's trunk," then
seized by his adversaries in Dublin, upon suspicion of
unjust practices. The maps of the College estates in the
south show to this day, together with large estates, the
escheated property of the Earl of Desmond, Brian O'Connor,
' S. P., 1586, p. 194.

42 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and others — small patches here and there, selected upon no
apparent principle and scattered over various counties. These
are the " concealed lands " from which they derived the
pittance allov^^ed them by the queen, and which they let to
the old occupiers I at very low rents. But in the plantation
of Munster the original undertakers had been forbidden to let
to natives, and required to bring over English settlers to their
lands. It was by evasion of this law, and for the sake of
higher rents offered by the old possessors, that many of the
escheated lands remained in the hands of the original popu-
lation, which, of course, rose with Tyrone when he appeared
in Munster in 1598, and expelled the intruders with fire
and sword, just as the northern planters were afterwards
cleared out in 1641.

We now approach the more difficult question : How did
the Jesuits in these few years conquer not only the country
parts of Ireland, but the cities and the Pale ? Why did the
merchants, the burgesses, the lawyers — in fact the great majority
of the educated Anglo-Irish classes — pass over either openly or
secretly to the Pope's side in this great quarrel ?

We shall not find a satisfactory answer to this question with-
out insisting upon the distinction between the English by birth
and the English by descent, as they are commonly described in
the State Correspondence of the day. Perhaps it would be
clearer to distribute the whole population of the island not into
two, but into three kinds — English, Anglo-Irish, and Irish.
For the Pale and the walled cities had been peopled long ago
by either Northmen, Dutch, or English, with special privileges
over the natives. Yet these people had been so long either
neglected or oppressed by England, that they were prompted
by proximity, by intermarriage, by community in grievances,
to identify themselves with the interests of Ireland and the
Irish against those of England. None had fared worse than

* This was a licence allowed to the bishops and to the College formally
by James, practically, as we see from the tenants' names, by Elizabeth.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 43

the settlers of the old Pale. They were constantly being
raided and plundered by the wild Irish on its inland frontier,
and sometimes up to the very walls of Dublin. Either they
must wield the sword with one hand, and the plough with
the other, like Nehemiah's workmen, or the Greeks of the
Crimea, described by Dio Chrysostom, or they must appeal for
help to the Lord Deputy. If they did, an English army of
occupation, including the hired light troops known as Her
Majesty's kerne, was quartered upon them, and the exactions
of this army were worse than the raids of the savage natives.
Even for wars far beyond the Pale, such as those against
Tyrone, the provisions of the troops were all exacted from the
Pale at the Queen's price paid in bills, which, being difficult to
realise in cash, were usually of no value at all.^

The result was that the Elizabethan wars in Ireland com-
pletely ruined the yeomen of the Pale. Many returned to
England ; the others were reduced to beggary.2 Hugh Tudor,
servant to the late Kyffin, writes an account of the ruffianly
conduct of the soldiery, and hence the poverty of the people. He
says that in the days of Fitzwilliam, Perrot, and Russell he had
known wealthy and charitable farmers who gave meat to every
traveller gratis. " I have seen very ancient men, truly affirmed
to have been rich farmers of the Pale, sufficiently able in their
time to have entertained the Lord Deputy for a night or two, go
a-begging, not spoiled by rebels but soldiers." When Ormond 3
complains of the scandalous conduct of large landholders with
castles in Leix (we hear the same from Munster and from the
Pale) who give them up without a fight, we must remember
that the alternative was to support these terrible bands of
mercenary soldiers who ate them out of house and home.

^ Thus the garrison of Carrickfergus were fed by cess upon the Pale, the
supplies being sent to them on horses or in ships. Meanwhile the country
round that town, once well tilled, lay desolate because of the garrison.
C. P., Introd. to vol. iii. p. xciii. On the exactions of the soldiers, ibid. 175,
187, 264.

» S. P., 1598, p. 208. ^ ibid., p. 212.

44 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

This lamentable condition of things, of which there are many-
bitter complaints in the State Papers, of course impoverished
not only the yeomen, but the gentlemen and lords of the Pale.
The old Irish exactions of coyne and livery, so cried out against
by many witnesses, seemed less odious than this maltreatment by
strangers under the pretence of protection ; and it may have
been an honest reply of the gentry of Pale, when asked to
contribute to the building of Trinity College, that they
were too poor to give anything. But behind their refusal was
another potent reason. The Jesuits had taught them that this
College was a new scheme for spreading English influence by
means of English religion, and bringing upon them an alien
clergy with an alien ritual.

I have so far endeavoured to look at the matter from the
material point of view, for men's interests must surely be
enlisted in any such quarrel to ensure a victory. But these
considerations were enforced by sentimental reasons also, and
to the Irish blood in the gentry of the Pale such reasons were
very exciting. The main preachers of the New Gospel were
Puritans, harsh inconoclasts whose first anxiety was to insult
and destroy the venerable relics or high places held in super-
stitious reverence by all the old inhabitants.^ Such a form of
controversy is needlessly and stupidly irritating ; we may see it
even in our own day in the Protestant hatred or suspicion
shown towards the sign of Cross, the great emblem of all
Christianity.

The general result was, that the Jesuits were able to retain
even the lords of the Pale and their families in the old faith.
Not a few of the sons of these great and ancient houses joined
the Order ; some of them remain to the present day staunch
Roman Catholics. The English had for centuries seen the
danger, and tried by many oppressive enactments to retain the

* Cf. the public buraing of the image of S. Sunday in Cork by the
bishop, at the High Cross, openly, with great lamentation (of the people),
C. P., ii. 137, 143, and Daniell's action in Galway, above, p. 35.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 45

Anglo-Irish as an English settlement in Ireland. The Jesuits
succeeded in bringing them over completely to the Irish side by
the bond of the old creed.

It was indeed round these Anglo-Irish that the great battle
between the English and the Pope raged. Let us look at it
in the towns. Here again there were the sentimental reasons
— e.g.^ Daniell in Galway, Lyon in Cork burning sacred images
in the market-place amid the horror and lamentations ot
the population. But there were also practical reasons. The
richer classes in the towns consisted of merchants and of profes-
sional men — these latter either officials or lawyers, for we do
not find other professions, such as the medical, as yet of any
importance. The alternative set before the merchants by sea
was that the many English restrictions upon exports and
imports would be replaced by the control of some more distant
and careless power, probably Spain, with whom the shipping
trade would enormously increase, while smuggling would pro-
ably be uncontrolled, and hence the source of great profits.
Turning inland, the traders must have regarded the native
chiefs with their continual raids, and need of the provisions for
war, a source of immediate wealth, which English conquest was
gradually drying up. The supplies for British forces were
undertaken by English contractors, who bought in England
the requisitions for the English soldiery ; any ordered from Irish
houses were scantily and irregularly paid, if paid at all. These
arguments were no doubt bad, and could have been answered
by any one who looked far ahead, but they were sufficient to
set ignorant men, and their more ignorant wives, against the
English side, and therefore against the English religion. For
the great hope of emancipation lay in Spain and the Pope, and
to secure these it was essential to maintain the old religion.

In the case of the lawyers and officials it is even more
necessary, but also easier, to show how their material interests
were involved. The policy of sending over strangers from
England to fill all the important posts— judgeships, treasurer-

46 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

ships, bishoprics, governorships ^ — was one resented by the
educated Anglo-Irish from that day to this. It was alleged
regarding the judges that if of Anglo-Irish descent they
treated the natives with too much favour, and could not be
trusted to secure the rights of undertakers and adventurers.
We can well imagine the answer of the Walshes, Whites, and
Dillons. With them, and with them alone, had the natives
any chance of justice. The imported judge was certain to
favour the imported criminal. ^ For with him the English
interest was the first thing to support at every cost.2

In fact the Irish lawyers at this moment are the great
champions of the Anglo-Irish against the English. We find
the towns electing them constantly as their mayors, in order
that they may defend them against inroads upon the Charters.3
We find them the spokesmen of the lords of the Pale, when
prosecuted for recusancy. They had therefore a great role to
play on the Roman Catholic side,4 whereas on the Protestant
or English side they saw the rewards of their toil snatched
from before their eyes by some English place-hunter.

Of course this statement only aims at generalities, and does
not seek to deny that eminent English lawyers did sometimes
adorn the Irish bench. But to persuade good men to come

* Of this notable examples may be found in Primate Boulter's corre-
spondence far into the eighteenth century.

^ S. P., 1597, 222. Cf. the complaints against Irish lawyers as judges
(S. P., 1585, pp. 14, 324), and Sir Owen O'Toole, O'Donnell's chief coun-
cillor, p. 63. Wadding, mayor of Waterford (1597, p. 19) "is a great
lawyer and a bold Recusant," never in Church, and as State adviser
misleading Perrot (ib., 210, 222)."

3 S. P., 1597, p. 19 ; C. P., iii. 492. Carew cites the cases of Cork (John
Meade), Limerick (Geoffrey Gallway), Waterford (Edward Gough), Clon-
mell (J. Whyte), besides the portreve of Cashell, the profoundest lawyer in
the kingdom, and the sovran of Kinsale — all were trained in the Inns of
Court. This shows a systematic policy, probably suggested by the
Jesuits. In Flor. McCarthy's Life, p. 108, there is a list of Irish gentlemen
students at Gray's Inn, London.

4 S. P., 1597, p. 20.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 47

over was difficult, and I have already said that they were always
demanding their own recall from a very unpleasant position.
This is urged by the Privy Council in answer to a demand for
some good English lawyers. They say i " the sending thither
of lawyers is most requisite, but such opinion is conceived of the
barbarism there, as at all times when any have been chosen to
be sent thither, they do ever make some means to Her Majesty
whereby they may be stayed."

These were the materials with which the Jesuits effected the
reconquest of a well-nigh lost province of the Roman Church.
Their consummate ability, energy, zeal, and devotion command
the admiration of any fair-minded historian. Whatever force
or fraud they used, they could defend as justified not only by
the excommunication of the queen, which relieved all her
subjects of their allegiance, but also by the far better plea, that
they were carrying on war for the King of Spain against the
English in Ireland, and that the conquest of the island, and
through it of England, was the declared policy of the Most
Catholic King. But this cautious person was very difficult to
urge into decided action. He hesitated and temporised, while
they were preparing the ground, collecting munitions of war,
educating the Irish chiefs to submit to their dictation. Having
made a disciple of O'Neill, they urged him to take up arms.
If his long and dangerous insurrection which spread over
the whole country had been promptly and liberally supported
by Spain, the conquest of Ireland was inevitable. In the earlier
stages of the war (1596-9) Tyrone was steadily gaining ground.
In 1598 his appearance in Munster caused a rising of the
natives against the English of the plantation, which cleared the
whole country of settlers in a week. The horrors of 1641
in the north found their prototype in the horrors of 1598 in the
south. For this latter was the first Irish insurrection in which
creed was put forward as a concurrent cause with nationality.

' C. P., ii. 53.

48 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Any one who examines the public documents of O'Neill in
the Calender of State Papers can see at once that they were
dictated by Jesuits, and that of the two concurrent forces, creed
was rapidly becoming the leading factor. Here is an example.
Tyrone writes to Ormond : ^ " From henceforth, if you write
to me, I wish you command your secretary to be more discreet,
and to use the word traitor as seldom as he may. By chiding
there is little gotten at my hands, and they that are joined with
me fight for the Catholic religion and the liberties of our
country, the which I protest before God is my whole inten-
tion." Presently 2 we have a note from Richard M^Geoghegan,
who had seized Herbert's house at Castleisland (Kerry) in the
revolt of 1598. The house cannot be restored to Herbert,
" because Tyrone hath chiefly entered into action for matters ot
religion,'and this house being [t.e.^ having been) a religious house,
must be restored to the Church." Meanwhile he retains
Herbert's son and daughter as pledges. There is a formal
Papist declaration in Tyrone's articles to which Ormond
replies.3

At the opening of 1600 the Jesuits evidently thought their
cause victorious. Even without military aid, and with small
subsidies from Spain, Tyrone was practically master of the
island. He set forth terms to be accepted by the queen, and
addressed her as a sovran on equal terms, signing his name as
such at the head of his missive, "contrary to all duty." He
claimed not only freedom of conscience for all Romanists, but
even a Roman Catholic University to secure the training of
the young under Jesuit influence. How high the hopes of his
party had risen will best appear from the Jesuit correspondence
published in Father Hogan's Ibernia IgnatianaA I translate
from his text a letter written to the General of his order
by Field and dated July 20, 1600 : "And since a great hope
has arisen of restoring the Catholic faith from the happy success

^ In 1599, p. 209. = p. 217.

3 ibid., pp. 279-81 ; p. 293. * pp. 44.'168.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 49

of the war, seeing that in almost all the engagements the
Catholic ^ army has the advantage, and new forces are expected
from Spain (would that His Holiness would join in aiding
this object !), I think it worth while to mention to your
Reverence some ecclesiastical benefices which would be very
suitable to our Society for building colleges, if His Holiness
would grant them to us. There is beside Dublin a monastery
of S. Thomas the martyr,2 which is commonly valued at £SS^
yearly, Irish currency. 2. The monastery of the Blessed
Virgin beside Dublin, yearly value ^^463.3 3. The Hospital
of S. John Baptist outside the new gate of the city, worth
^156.4 4. The Monastery of All Saints' near Dublin, where
the heretics have built a splendid college, worth ^84 (per annum).
5. There is also a priory or monastery of Holmpatrick in the
County of Dublin by the sea, a very suitable place for relaxa-
tion, worth £(>()* Many others less known to me, situated in
divers parts of the kingdom, written down from the books
of the Queen's Exchequer, I have given the bearer of this
letter."

The " newly founded illustrious College " was to the Jesuits
a special object of alarm. For here the English queen was
adopting their policy, and seeking to complete her conquest
by educating the better classes. Hence they not only founded
simultaneously their Spanish Colleges for Irish students, but
strained every nerve to prevent young gentlemen from going
to Trinity College. Here is the story told by the Jesuits
concerning the founding of the College at Lisbon. Father

^ Not the Irish, nota bene.

2 I.e., Thomas a Becket, granted by Henry VIII. to Sir H. Brabazon, th
ancestor of the Earl of Meath, who still owns this property, now the Earl
of Meath's Liberty, in Dublin.

3 Granted by Henry VIII. to the Dublin Corporation, and reaching from
the present Mary's Abbey to Sackville Street, and across the river on the east
side of Westland Row.

4 Now marked by a handsome Augustinian Chapel. Cf. Monast.
Hibcrn>, ii. 56, 59.

E

50 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

HouUng, S.J., had been carrying on a successful mission at
that port among the Irish skippers and sailors who frequented
it, also among the kidnapped Irish, brought there by pirates.

" But nothing stirred his grief and his zeal so much as the sight of
a crowd of youths, who in tender age, having deserted parents,
country, means, had escaped from the Dublin Univej-sity. This
University, formerly instituted by Roman Pontiffs [?], then collapsed
by the troubles of the times, Queen Elizabeth had lately renewed,
with the design that it might be in Ireland a defence as well as an
armoury of error. She had also invited Catholic parents to send
their children thither to be taught and maintained free. This offer
had allured a good many orthodox people, whose love was cold and
whose means narrow; but the children, wiser than their parents,
hating the wolves their masters, with one consent deserted the
school of error, and borne to a foreign shore, there landed in
utter destitution."

These were provided for by Houling in his new College ot
S. Patrick in Lisbon, founded in 1594.

It is indeed first of all to be noted that none of the State
Papers, or the documents in the Muniment Room of Trinity
College, or in its Library, make the smallest allusion to this
picturesque piece of history. There was no crowd of youths
of any kind, least of all Roman Catholic youths, at the Col-
lege in 1594, the year after the completion of the buildings.
The first impression, therefore, made by the story is that of
deliberate invention. But a more careful study of the text
will show that though the narrator implies it, he does not state
that these aliquot juvenes appeared at Lisbon at the same
moment, which is the form the story takes in more recent
transcripts. It is not only probable, but almost certain, that
owing to the Jesuit mission in Ireland there were frequent
cases of individual children rescued from the influence of their
parents, and sent abroad to avoid the dangers of Protestant
education. These isolated occurrences have been brought
together upon one canvas by the Jesuit artist, in order to make
an effective picture. The general account of the policy and

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 51

of its results is true, in the same deeper sense that dramatic
poetry, as Aristotle remarks, is truer than history.

The foregoing inquiry has been indispensable, if we would
seek to understand the Ireland of 1 590-1 600, for which
Trinity College was founded. I have stopped at the year
1600, because in that year the whole course of events was
changed, and the most ambitious of the Jesuit hopes dashed to
the ground, by the appointment of Lord Mountjoy as Lord
Deputy. It is not within the scope of this work to enter into
a detailed estimate of this very great man. A few words,
however, must here be added in order to justify so strong a
statement, and to show the complete revolution of affairs pro-
duced in Ireland by one master mind. Elizabeth, herself
growing old, had hitherto employed in her Irish Government
and command nothing but old men, to whom she had been long
accustomed as her servants. It is the usual fate of senescence.
Men and women fail to realise that those who have been once
vigorous are no longer fit for arduous and exacting labour.
Nothing is more melancholy in reading the Irish State Papers
of the time than the constant complaints of the queen's
trusty servants that their powers are failing, and that they long
for retirement and rest.^ At last the queen appointed a young
man, because he was her favourite, who was the second Lord
Essex she had sent to Ireland with an army, but he too proved
a failure. For she showed the weakness of her sex by allowing
all manner of unofficial and unauthorised scandal to be trans-
mitted (behind the Lord Deputy's back) by his enemies, and
this secret campaign at Court not only sowed distrust in the
queen's mind, but filled every Lord Deputy with uncertainty

^ As specimens, cf. Russell, C. P., iii. 184 ; Sir R. Lane, S. P., 1596, p. 113 ;
Sir R. Bingham, ib., p. 128 ; Sir H. Wallop, ib., p. 136; Loftus and Gard-
ner, S. P., 1597, p. 459 ; Ormond, 1598, p. 12 ; Chief Justice Saxey, 1598,
p. 396, and Fenton— all complaining of their age and infirmities. Norreys
and Burgh died in harness.

52 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and alarm. Each one of them is in constant dread that he
will be undermined at Court, if he is not there to defend him-
self. But though Essex failed, his appointment was a whole-
some break in the series of elderly and worn-out Governors.
For Elizabeth next appointed Charles Blount, Lord Mountjoy,
a man of under forty years, but of many accomplishments. The
first sign of reform in the government of Ireland is the com-
plaint of the old gentlemen of the Privy Council that their
advice is neglected and younger men consulted in their stead.
Mountjoy answers that he had taken the advice of no man
who was not older than Alexander when he conquered the
world. Of course the new Deputy had found out at once
that their counsels were as infirm as their limbs. He next
reformed the abuses of the army, stopped the plunder of the
Pale by requisitions, and gained such confidence from the
Anglo-Irish that with a small but most efficient and devoted
army, mostly gathered in Ireland, he overthrew both Tyrone
and the Spanish invaders in a desperate campaign, and then
pacified the country by the coercion of famine. It was a cruel
measure, though Mountjoy was not a cruel man. Of this we
have ample evidence. But there have been moments even in
our own experience when trenchant measures would have been
far more merciful than that sentimental generosity which
prolongs indefinitely the horrors and the losses of war.

When the Jesuits raised their heads in the Irish cities upon
the accession of James, who had doubtless " practised " with
them during Elizabeth's reign, Mountjoy not only coerced
them by displaying a prompt and efficient army at their gates,
but by confuting their arguments from St. Augustine, whose
works he carried with him in his tent. When he retired from
his command to England he still remained Lord Lieutenant,
and his influence was paramount in the English Privy Council
as regards Irish affairs. We can trace in every advice he gave
moderation and toleration towards the Irish. Most unfor-
tunately he died of a fever in 1607. Had he been permitted

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 53

to guide the Irish policy of the next twenty years, the whole
history of the country might have been different. I do not
know whether he would have sanctioned the plantation of
Ulster. I think he would. But I am quite sure that he would
have made very different provision for the natives in the six
counties, and if a great number of them had been restored to a
portion of the lands they claimed by Irish custom, it is pro-
bable that the massacre and expulsion of the settlers in 1641
would never have taken place.

Seeing then that the Jesuits, by their vigorous and able
action during the closing years of the sixteenth century, saved
Ireland for the Papacy, and consolidated both Irish and Anglo-
Irish under the banners of the King of Spain (so long as the
war lasted), and then under that of the Pope, now the
hereditary enemy of heretic England, we are in a position to
answer the questions so often put, and so seldom adequately
answered by historians : Is the great antagonism between
England and Ireland, which has lasted so many centuries, a
struggle of race or of creed ? Are the differences between
them ineradicable, or are they merely due to the blunders and
hesitations in English management ?

Sir John Davis, in his book, attributes the whole difficulty
to the contrast of the races in their habits and laws, coupled
with the constant alternations and hesitations of British
management. But he speaks (in 16 16) of all the diffi-
culties as now overcome, and confidently looks forward to an
age of harmony and prosperity. Barnabe Rich, his contem-
porary, not looking back so far, and weighing the evidence of
his own experience, attributes the whole difficulty to Popery,
which deliberately sets the Irish people, not disinclined to
peace and loyalty, to keep up war and hatred against the
English. So in our own day Prendergast, a man who under
the guise of learned and impartial research betrays the animus
of a bitter and prejudiced controversialist, ignores the influence
of Popery in creating and stimulating these hatreds, and writes

54 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

as if English brutality and tyranny towards the Irish as such
were the only causes of Ireland's just discontent. On the
other hand, Froude, a man of singular power in grasping a
historic situation, though impatient of research, and inaccurate
in the use of his materials, has made the whole quarrel one ot
religion. He regards the Papal system as the permanent and
irreconcilable foe of the English in Ireland. But Froude's
researches, like those of Mr. Lecky, are mainly in later cen-
turies than those with which we are here concerned. Mr.
Lecky's view, much influenced by Prendergast, is strongly
adverse to Froude. But Mr. Lecky again has been subjected
to severe criticism from Dr. Thomas Ingram, whose remarkable
but one-sided work marshals all the evidence in favour of the
English, and exposes the partisan treatment of the facts by
some of his predecessors.

The present inquiry points to the following solution of the
problem. Up to the time of Henry VIII.'s quarrel with the
Pope, there can be no question that the causes of hostility
between the English and Irish were simply the contrast of
language, law, and customs arising from contrast of race.
These feelings, quite apart from the conflict of creeds, were
kept up by that class constantly persecuted in English enact-
ments— bards, harpers, and rimers, who make songs in favour
of rebellion, and who were frequently executed by martial
law.i It was, as often stated down to Perrot's time, the ques-
tion of England and Wales over again. Even as the Lords
Marchers had extended English influence, and held the Welsh
population under control partly by alliances with Welsh
princes, partly by arms, so the lords of the Pale or indeed the
English lords all through the country, were to leaven and
civilise the mere Irish.2 Had any strong king come over and
completed the conquest, as Edward did of Wales, similar
results might have been attained. Even as late as Henry

* Cf. Bishop Lyon in S. P., 1597, p. 19.

* Perrot states this in one of his letters.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 55

VIII.'s time the ready acceptance of his sovranty in Ireland
shows clearly that an expedition to Ireland, a residence of
some duration, and a proper settlement of the country under
Presidents of the provinces, might have been rewarded with
lasting success.

We cannot find in any of the contemporary documents
that there was great lamentation in Ireland over the sup-
pression of the monasteries. Many Recusants (if we may so
term them proleptically) were glad to accept gifts of the
sequestrated estates from the king,i nor was there any attempt
at restitution made by or under Queen Mary. The practical
duties which the religious houses should have performed, viz.,
the parochial duties of the parishes of which they were rectors,
and the education of the youth, had been grossly neglected,
and it is likely that something better was expected from the
new parochial clergy. For as yet the differences in creed
were not considered vital. Henry himself was anything but a
Protestant in the modern sense. He believed in transub-
stantiation, and was horrified at the marriage of a priest. It
was only with Elizabeth that the profound cleavage of Popery
and Protestantism came to be understood in Ireland. Shan
O'Neill set up his standard in Ulster on the ground of
hereditary rights ; he foresaw and endeavoured to forestall the
subjugation and plantation of the province with English
officers and English customs, but though he professed himself
to the Spaniards a devout Catholic, that was not his real
ground of quarrel. Had Elizabeth conceded to him his inde-
pendence, she might have made his altered creed a condition
which he would not have considered impious. But along
with the hopes of help from Spain grew the alarm of the
native clergy, and the prosecution of Recusants by Sunday
fines. They began to identify their creed with the native
cause, and to preach the doctrine that the crusade against the

^ E.g., the nunnery of Grace Dieu to Patrick Barnewall, Esq., who was
noted as an opponent of the reformed religion.

56 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

old faith was part and parcel of a crusade against Irish rights o^
property.

That this idea was alive in Ireland as early as Sidney's
time seems certain ; it never acquired strength and missionary
enthusiasm till taken up by the Jesuits. It was they who
translated the quarrel of race into one of creed, and gradually
made the latter so predominant that in the present day, when
the distinction of Irish and Anglo-Irish is well nigh obliterated
as to race, the distinction of Catholic and Protestant has so
completely replaced it that a Kavanagh or an O'Brien,
because he is a Protestant, is regarded by the common people
as an Englishman,^ and even as a stranger, while a Martin or a
Domvile, nay even a settler of the last generation, is taken to
be an Irishman, if he be a Catholic. The difference of race
has not really disappeared, far from it. The blend of Anglo-
Irish and Irish has produced a population with intellectual and
social qualities very different from those of the present English,
and these qualities are now often cited by men who desire to
keep open the gulf which past history has made between Great
Britain and Ireland. But these contrasts are only auxiliary
arguments ; they are as nothing compared to the contrast of
creed. If this were abolished we may say confidently that the
" Irish Question " would presently be laid at rest. Thus the
old conflict between the tribal, pastoral, semi-nomadic Irish-
man and the civic, agricultural, settled Englishman, which
was at the root of all the earlier troubles, was replaced by a
spiritual conflict in which reverence for the Pope and the
clergy with their sacraments and relics was adopted as the one
fixed point of his life by the Irish Esau, while the English
Jacob allowed himself the mental disturbance of exercising his
private judgment, and insisted upon the necessity of rational
persuasion by preaching the Gospel, which preaching he might
dispute if he chose.

* Thus Prendergast, in an incautious moment {CromwcUiati Settlement,
p. 202), calls Ormond an Englishman !

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 57

What then was the population, and what the conditions,
of Ireland which could afford to the pious founders of Trinity-
College a good hope for its success ?

The first unavoidable observation is that, like all the
attempted benefits of England to Ireland, it came too late.
If the lavish Cardinal who founded Christ Church, Oxford,
had expended this zeal upon Ireland under Henry VIII., and
at the moment of the king's assumption, under the most pacific
and favourable auspices, of the royalty of the country, there can
be little doubt that the success of Trinity College would have
been immediate and great. The miserable and sporadic attempts
at education by a very few religious houses would have been at
once replaced by a proper system, and at that time it would
have been gratefully accepted. Had Edward VI. carried out
such a plan, there was no zeal and vigour in the adherents
of the Pope to resist it. Nor were there wanting definite
proposals to realise the policy. The great letter of Browne,
the first Protestant Archbishop of Dublin, expounds in full
detail the transformation of the suppressed Collegiate Church
of S. Patrick into " Christ's College of the foundation of
Edward VL," thus giving definite shape to the pious aspira-
tions of his enlightened contemporaries.^ Had even Sidney,
in the earlier years of Elizabeth, not been thwarted by Loftus
and the office-holders of S. Patrick's, from founding the
University on Browne's plan, the religious Reformation of
the country might yet have been achieved. 2 For it was just

^ This document is so important that I reprint it in an appendix from
Shirley's Original Letters, No. ii., together with Loftus' letter (Ixxix.),
before he had obtained the Archbishopric of Dublin, which gave him
the patronage of the prebendaries.

= The Archbishop's plan was taken up vigorously about 1563-5, and
recommended by many learned and pious men, such as Hugh Brady,
Bishop of Meath, whose letters Shirley has printed [op. cit, Nos. Ixii., Ixvi,).
The then office-holders, Archbishop Curvvin and his party, resisted the plan
with ridiculous objections (Iviii.). But when Brady heard that Loftus (then
Primate) had got the deanery of S. Patrick's in commendum, he evidently saw
that the prospect of an University was ruined, and bursts out into a pathetic

58 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

between Sidney's Government and FitzWilliam's that the
Jesuit mission in Ireland did its mighty and effectual work.
During those years the country people had been taught to
regard the Reformed faith as a part of English tyranny. The
townspeople, who had acquiesced in its preaching, and gone
in thousands to church, now scowled at the minister as sullen
Recusants, or pelted him in the street. Young men of ambition
were told that in Spain there were Royal Colleges specially
founded for both lay and clerical students. Clever lawyers
with foreign training were appointed mayors of the cities, and
devised legal subtleties to make the old charters a cloak for
liberties other than municipal. Trinity College was, therefore,
at its untimely foundation regarded as a bulwark of English
and Protestant influence, and, unless it could bribe or seduce,
or the English Government could compel, was not likely to
draw its students from the sons of the chieftains and their fol-
lowers, who had been sent to Recusant schoolmasters in Cork
or Waterford, or had seminary priests with them as resident
tutors, such as the educators of the O'Donnells and O'Neills.
There was plainly in Dublin a strong and earnest body of
Reformers — most of them educated at Puritan Cambridge —
who were the prime movers and supporters of the work.^ Of
these, Luke Challoner, Henry Ussher, and other men of old
city families, are prominent. But how little stir the foundation
of the College made throughout Ireland, except in the minds

lamentation, though Loftus had got the deanery under a bond of ;^i,ooo
to resign it when wanted for a College, and though he had himself there-
upon written to Cecil (October, 1565, April and June, 1566), (Ixxix., Ixxxv.,
xci.,) strongly advocating the plan. The first letter, condemning ex-
plicitly the very policy which he afterwards pursued to save his own
profits, puts the dishonesty of Loftus beyond all question ; cf. Appendix
to this volume. The plan was revived by Perrot ; cf. his correspondence
(S. P., 1574, and Pref., pp. cxvi-xxx, and C. P., i. 359).

* See the Book of Trinity College, p. 3, for further evidence of this move-
ment, especially Case's Spccuhim Moralium Qucestionum (1585), who in his
Preface appeals to the Chancellors of Oxford and Cambridge to help in
the work.

CLOSING YEARS OF THE i6th CENTURY 59

of the watchful Jesuits, is plain from the complete ignoring
of it by Miler Magrath in 1592,1 in the very year of its foun-
dation, and of the collecting of funds for it in Munster. In
the same years William Lally, another Archbishop (of Tuam),
writing about the religious state of Connaught, and proposing,
as Magrath had done, Irish preaching, also recommends that
the schools be watched, priests arrested, and the sons of the
gentry sent to Oxford and Cambridge. These silences are very
significant. The failure and retirement of Travers, the first
acting Provost, point in the same direction. He was an
eminent preacher, and strong advocate of Puritan views, such
as are now called Presbyterian. But he evidently found
that there was no scope, no platform for his talents, in Dublin.
He had paid special attention to reforms in Oxford and Cam-
bridge as well as in the English Church, but his controversy
was mainly directed against Episcopacy and against Ritualism,
not against Popery. His quarrelsome temper at the Temple,
where he preached, was already notorious, and an extant letter
from him to Burghley, his patrons, shows that he had not been
appointed without careful instructions to pursue a quiet course
towards the bishops in Ireland. This outlet for his activity
being foreclosed, he seems to have been quite unable to find
any scope for missionary labours among the Roman Catholics.
Either they understood not his English, or they would not
come to his preaching.

How the College gradually outlived these initial difficulties,
how it attracted not only the sons of the English plantation,
but those of the Irish gentlemen left as tenants upon their
estates, will be narrated in the following chapters.

^ Cf. the evidence in 1603-6 in the S. P. csp. 169 sq., and 1591, pp. 489-502,
for Miler Magrath's Essay.
» S. P., 1591, p. 449. 3 ibid., 1591, No. 50.

CHAPTER II

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE

The long conflict concerning the transformation of S. Patrick's

Cathedral into an Irish University came to a conclusion with

the retirement and disgrace of Perrot, its hottest advocate.

Loftus and his party had the satisfaction of discrediting all the

proposals of their adversary, and this solution of the question,

which had for forty years seemed the most practical and probable,

and had old traditions to support it, was finally abandoned. But

if the ecclesiastics of S. Patrick's saved their incomes, what was

to be done for the endowment of the new University, which

all desired ? To expect any liberal grant from the queen was

out of the question ; fair words and a charter, which cost

nothing, might be obtained. Under these circumstances it

seems to have occurred to a group of earnest citizens, of whom

the clerics had been educated at Cambridge and abroad, that

they would make a beginning by any means, and trust to the

future for larger support. Of these men, Archdeacon Henry

Ussher (afterwards Primate) and the Rev. Luke Challoner are

to us the most prominent, the former in being the agent sent

to Court to persuade the queen ; the latter, by his constant

labour and care of the growing College, and by subsequent

missions to England, so much so, that he was justly considered

the real founder by the men of his day. Archbishop Loftus

helped by making speeches, and gave the dignity of his name

to the College by posing as its first Provost ; but he neither

60

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 6i

actually governed the society nor contributed more than a
decent thankofFering (^^loo) For ^.th,e ^jpiroltt.s he had retained
in S. Patrick's. No sooner wasi,tji^e tolding inhabited, and its
academic life begun, than hereai'eU,witli the queen's licence
in favour of the first acting Provost— Travers.

The real founders worked upon three distinct lines. In the
first place they procured a Charter from the queen, upon the
political plea that the youth of the country were now going in
numbers to be educated abroad, in Spain, France, and Flanders,
and coming home imbued with Popery and disloyalty. More-
over, they satisfied the queen on a second point. They had
persuaded the city of Dublin to grant them a convenient site —
the disused and ruinous monastery of All Hallowes, of which
the lands were let to citizens on short leases as orchards or
gardens. Thirdly, they moved the Irish Lord Deputy and
Council to promote a public subscription throughout Ireland
for the erection of the new buildings. Recent historians have
put in the forefront the influence of Archbishop Loftus as
another efficient cause. The reader will already have learned
that the contemporary documents do not justify that opinion.
His influence was very strong negatively, in resisting another
scheme ; he deserves no further credit in the matter. What
he had to say may be read in the report of one of his speeches
given in Stubbs' Appendix II. It was addressed to people
more zealous than himself in the cause. His argument is
a mixture of Puritan piety and worldliness such as his portraits,
and his voluminous correspondence in the State Papers of the
day, would lead us to expect.

The three real moments in the foundation are worthy
of detailed attention.

We have four documents bearing directly upon the subject.
The earliest seems to be the speech of the Archbishop, urging,
under many religious ornaments, the material benefit to the
city of such a foundation, and how all the trades would profit
by it, and asking them to call a Common Council to give

62 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

practical effect to his views. This the city did not do ; for
the speech is dated soon after the Quarter Sessions of St. John
Baptist (June 24th), and therefore at least six months before
the Corporation took any action, except that they sent over
Archdeacon Henry Ussher to Court, to ascertain the vi^ishes
of the queen. Most historians say he w^as "employed by
Loftus " to do so ; the facts that the Charter mentions the
petition as Ussher's, and that the Corporation absolutely
ignore Loftus, are sufficient to disprove that assumption. On
December 29, 1591, the Queen issued a letter i to the Lord
Deputy and Council, authorising them to erect and make
the Corporation of a College, similar to those at Oxford
and Cambridge, and with licence to receive and hold such
property as might be bestowed by pious persons, up to
j^400 per annum.

The preamble is what concerns us now.

" Whereas by your Letters we perceive that the Mayor and Citizens
of Dublin are very well disposed to grant the scite of Allhallows,
&c,, of the yearly value of ;£2o, whereby knowledge and civility
might be increased by the instruction of our people there, whereof
many have usually heretofore used to travel into France, Italy, and
Spain to get learning in such foreign Universities, whereby they
have been infected with poperie and other ill qualities, &c., and also
we perceive that the said Mayor and citizens and divers others there
are well inclined to give some maintenance of livelihood — to readers
and scholars in the said College."

Such is the substance of the letter. There follows, "on
the 4th Friday after 25th December," 1591, Edmund Devenish
being mayor, this modest but momentous resolution of the
Corporation : —

" Forasmuch as there is in this Assembly by certayne well-disposed
persons peticon preferred, declaring many good and effectual per-
suacions to move our furtherance for setting upp and erecting a
CoUedge for the bringinge upp of yeouth in lerning, whereof we,

Stubbs, Appendix III.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 63

having a good lyking do, as fan* as in us lyeth, herby agree and
order that the scite of All Hallowes and the parkes thereof shalbe
wholly gyven for the erecbn of a CoUedge there ; and withall we
require that we may have conference with the prcferrers of the
said petic"bn to conclude how the same shalbe fynished." ^

The ignoring of Archbishop Loftus and his speeches seems to
me something like a deliberate slap in the face to this dignitary.
The old book of Benefactions in the College Library is equally
explicit in ignoring Loftus. "In the 34th year of Queen
Eliz. by the motion and procurement of Luke Challoner^ D.D.^
there was a free grant made by the city of Dublin of the
precincts, &c., of All Hallowes."

The next item is the actual Charter of Elizabeth, now in the
College archives, dated March 3rd, 34 Eliz. (1591, old style).
It is printed at the opening of the College Statutes, and is
therefore accessible to any reader. 2 In the preamble Henry
Ussher's petition is mentioned, but there is no allusion to
foreign and Papist colleges.

The most interesting and peculiar feature in this Charter is
undoubtedly the description of the College as the Mother of an
University^ with the provisions which depend upon this notion.
It has been a matter of recent controversy 3 whether the
University of Dublin is distinct from Trinity College — indeed,
whether it exists at all. For while some hold that it is the
primary body, ranking above its only College, others hold that

* Gilbert's Records of Dublin City, ii. 240. The editor having added
in a note that this text is partly obliterated, I examined the parchment roll
among the muniments of the city, and found on it, not without emotion,
the MS. of the resolution, not partly obliterated, but faint, and difficult
to read on account of a deep brown stain on the parchment. Gilbert's
great experience of such MSS. had enabled him to decipher it accurately,
as any student can now verify.

^ Also in Morrin's Calendar.

3 Cf. the pamphlet (1902) of Dr. Walsh, Roman Catholic Archbishop of
Dublin, wherein he strongly advocates the distinct nature of the College and
the University against an adversary supposed to be inspired by the Jesuits.
The view given in the text supersedes the exclusive character of the rival
arguments.

64 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

the University is merely the creature of Trinity College,
called for shortness' sake the University of Dublin. The
intention of the original Charter is, however, quite plain. As
the first College v/as to depend upon the charity of pious and
liberal men for its endowment, it would have been premature
and mischievous to speak of the foundation of other Colleges.
So long therefore as Trinity College should remain the only
College, it was expedient, nay necessary, that the Charter
should confer upon it all the rights and privileges of an
University. Not only were the Provost and fellows of the
College therefore empowered to elect all College officers
from the Provost down, so soon as the first holders named in
the Charter vacated their places, but the same body was
empowered to perform all University acts ; to arrange and
carry out all the exercises necessary for obtaining degrees in
the various Faculties ; and even to appoint a Chancellor, Vice-
Chancellor, and Proctors for this purpose. The only body
beyond the control of the College was the original Board ot
seven Visitors, consisting of the Chancellor (or Vice-
Chancellor), the Archbishop of Dublin, the Bishop of Meath,
the Vice-Treasurer, the Treasurer at War, the Chief Justice
of the Common Pleas, and the Mayor of Dublin. Thus all
the ordinary University business was handed over to the
Provost and fellows of the College. The College seal was
affixed to all University documents. The appointment of a
Chancellor {e.g. that of the Duke of Ormond in 1645) is
done by a decree signed by the Provost and Senior Fellows and
with the College seal. All the testimoniums for degrees to
this day are similarly signed and sealed. Though the
Chancellor and Proctors are the proper University officers who
perform the solemn conferring of degrees, their names do not
appear on any of these documents, except that the Senior
Proctor, almost always a Senior Fellow, puts this title after his
signature on the testimonium. But were he not a Senior
Fellow, which is quite possible and legal, he would never be

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 65

mentioned thereon, any more than the Chancellor. So long,
therefore, as the College founded by Elizabeth remains alone,
it exercises all the functions of an University, as the preamble
of the letters patent of James I. in granting it Parliamentary
representation, recites : Quum sit atque haheatur Universitas,

On the other hand the obvious example of Oxford and
Cambridge must have suggested to the founders that in course
of time more Colleges v^ould be added. Several attempts to
do so w^ere made ^ at various times, and none of the men that
made this proposal for a moment thought that such a thing
was unconstitutional or impossible. But they all must have
known that no new arrangement could be made without the
surrender of the Charter of Queen Elizabeth, and the abolition
of the clauses giving all the appointments of University officers
to the Provost and fellows of the Mother College.^

The other point of interest in this Charter is that it orders
all the property of the College to be free for ever from all taxes,
tallages, cesses, subsidies, exactions, compositions, or demands
whatsoever, either in time ot peace or war. The grant of the
city, to which we now proceed, concludes with a similar clause
freeing the College on their part from all such burdens, with
the proviso that this freedom from taxes to the city holds good
so long only as the Provost, fellows, and scholars devote their
life to letters and study. The last clause guards against the
liberality of the city being diverted to objects other than
education.

The actual grant of the site and gardens is dated July 21,
1592. The duplicate, which should be among the College
archives, has disappeared. The copy belonging to the Corpora-

* It is to be noted that the new houses actually established were not
called Colleges, but Halls, inasmuch as they had no independent Charters,
and their heads and lecturers were appointed by the Provost and fellows
of Trinity College. The College was also liable for debts of these Halls
to tradesmen for their supplies,

^ This appears plainly enough in the controversies of 1612-13, to be
noticed hereafter.

F

6^ AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

tion is still extant among their documents, where I con-
sulted it. This very formal document gives the dimensions
of the site, &C.5 the bounding properties, and appoints an
attorney to make over the legal possession to the attorney of
the College. The mayor was Thomas Smyth, who also laid
the foundation stone on the 13th of March following. It is
strange how the historians have insisted on putting this date
one year too early, and Stubbs even says that they anticipated
the completion of the legal documents. It is even more absurd
to say that they should lay their foundation stone, which im-
plies architect's plans and estimates, before the Charter signed
March 3rd could have been in their hands more than one or
two days, if at all. For the ordinary journey from London to
Dublin required, with favourable weather, eight or ten days.
Smyth came into office March 25, 1592, the first day of that
year, old style ; it was therefore at the very end of the year
(March 13, 1592), that he must have laid the foundation stone.
The fact that the period January ist to March 25th is counted
by some modern writers as the end, by others as the beginning
of the year, causes constant confusion. The dates, as I have
arranged them, are at all events consistent, and leave from
March 13, 1592, to January 9th, near the end of 1593 — ^^^^
is to say, a period of ten months — for the sufficient com-
pletion of the building to be occupied by the new society.
The legend recorded by Fuller, that during the building it
never rained in the day, so that not a moment was lost, shows
that the Dublin people were enthusiastic about the enterprise,
and possibly Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam set his coat-of-arms over
the gate,^ just as the second Duke of Ormond's (when Lord
Lieutenant) was set over the main door of the Royal Hospital,
Kilmainham.

^ This is Fuller's statement {Church Hist, p. 211), I suppose from hear-
say, and is in itself unlikely. There is in the Library a handsome stone
with the arms of Elizabeth carved upon it in deep relief, and very suitable
to set in such a place. A vague but credible tradition asserts that this is
the very shield mistaken for FitzWilliam's.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 67

But with what funds was the College built ? This brings
us to the third moment of importance in the foundation. The
queen had only given a Charter full of fair words, with per-
mission to hold and acquire property. Probably she would
never have done so had she thought that the College would
eventually cost her public money. The Corporation of Dublin
had given a valuable site, estimated at ^20 per annum
(perhaps worth ;^I50 at our value of money), but which is
presently estimated by the College at ^^40, by the Jesuits at
^80 per annum. Whence did the funds come for the first
erection of the College ?

So far as Dublin was concerned, it was certain that many
citizens would subscribe, and there is an entry in the Records,^
that the mayor and Council desired to confer with the
promoters of the College regarding the collection of money
for the building. To the counties, or rather to the baronies
in each county, the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam and Council sent
a circular letter (printed in Todd's University Calendar for
^^33> P* ^9 ^^O) ^^ which several of the answers are extant.
We have in an early and incomplete copy of the book of
Benefactions (now in the Library) a list of the first donors —
high officials of the Crown and representatives of the Barony
collections. Fitzwilliam, though accused of stinginess and
grasping in his administration, gave ;^200 ; Loftus, who was
appointed the first Provost, ;^ioo — Norreys, Bingham, St.
Leger, and Gardiner gave liberally, but these are not the
interesting features of the list. In the first place two great
Irish chieftains who hardly spoke English contributed — Sir
Turlough O'Neill, £100, and Sir Hugh McGuinnis, with the
gentlemen of his county (Down), j^ 140, besides the gentlemen
of the barony of Lecale (also in Down), ^59. The latter case
is explained from the character of the old chieftain, who was
very Anglophil in policy, so much so that he put on English
dress, no doubt to his dire inconvenience, on Sundays and
^ Gilbert, ii. p. 253.

68 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

holy days. Sir Turlough Luinagh O'Neill was the uncle of
Tyrone, and at constant strife with him regarding his claims to
be the O^Neill. He depended, and with some success, upon
the English Government to maintain him in this rivalry, and
he had even obtained from it a division of the lands claimed by
the O'Neill, paying a small rent to his dangerous nephew.
His ;^ioo was therefore clearly a benevolence to the Pro-
testant party, and also to Burghley, the Chancellor of the new
University. A remarkable piece of liberality, which I can only
explain from the character of the donor, is £i00y £20 a year
durante vita y and ;^io a year for ever (for the support of a
scholar) from Francis (afterwards Sir Francis) Shane, an Irish
gentleman of Connaught, but a sound Protestant and loyalist,
often officially commended (S. P., 1600, pp. 75, 293). It shows
at all events another instance of what has been stated in the
first chapter, that through the wildest parts of Ireland there
was sporadic civilisation even among the lesser gentry.

But what shall we all say to the absence from the list of all
the bishops except Dublin, Armagh, and Meath, and of the
clergy, except those of Meath ? Some of them were very
poor, but in the case of the Sees of Cashel and Cork this cannot
have been the case. It is very significant that in his " Book
drawn and delivered to Fitzwilliam " by Barnabe Rich about
reforms in Ireland, there is very severe censure of the reformed
clergy for great sloth, negligence, &c. He adds, ^^ If they stana
against the erecting of an University for the good of the nation,
they were only acting in their own selfish and ignorant
interests, and so far wisely." He evidently believed they were
opposed to enlightenment, like their Popish predecessors, but
he cites no facts. The gaps in the present collection, and the
proposed draft (to be discussed hereafter) about printing the
Bible in Irish, are at least in harmony with his view.^
Drogheda subscribes ^^40, but Waterford, Cork, Kilkenny,

* S. P., 1589, p 182. This Book, 19 pp. long, is only indexed in the S. P.
The original in the English Record Office is vol. cxliv. No. 35.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 69

nothing. It has been mentioned already that Miler Magrath,
and Donnellan of Tuam, ignore the new College in their
correspondence at this time. Very likely the call for sub-
scriptions may have been the real reason of this deliberate
ignorance. The Pale, excepting Drogheda and the clergy of
Meath, seem to have given nothing. TaafFe, in the barony of
Louth (in Co. Louth), says curtly that the gentry are too poor.
As this w^as on the northern boundary of the Pale, and con-
stantly under heavy requisitions for the troops serving in Ulster,
the excuse seems a valid one, but we have already seen that
Jesuit influences were at work, which dreaded the new College
and which were certainly directed to prevent the gentry from
helping so Protestant a foundation.

The list of subscriptions we have amounts to ^2,047, ^"^
is incomplete, as Dr. Stubbs has observed. Even the original
list of benefactors set up in the Chapel was defective, for there
is a letter extant from Matthew Holmes ^ complaining that the
names of the Connaught gentlemen, who had been very liberal,
were not there enumerated. Perhaps the most remarkable gap
in the list is that of individual subscribers from among the
undertakers whom Elizabeth had planted in Munster in 1588,
for whose sons the new College must have been particularly
important. We should have been glad to see the names of
Edmund Spenser and Sir William Herbert, and other such men
of known culture, in the list ; but so far as we know, except for
the item of ^100 from the province of Munster, advanced by
Norreys, these undertakers show no interest in the matter.

It the City of Dublin only appears for a sum of ^27 in the
list, we must remember that individual citizens gave liberally,
and that many may have contributed to the building in giving
materials, and service of their workpeople. Those that rented
part of the lands of the old Abbey seem to have surrendered
their leases voluntarily, and some of these leases are still in the
Muniment Room of the College. One very remarkable item
^ Cf. Appendix IV, to this chapter.

70 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

in these contributions has been wholly ignored by the historians,
or else, I believe, falsely described. There is a letter, dated
March 14, 1592, from Challoner, Lee, and Money (Launcelot
Monie) to Burghley concerning the cashing of bills given by
captains serving in Ireland. ^ We learn from a subsequent
letter in 1594,=^ that this money was then not yet realised.
The gift amounted to £^27^ in bills. There is no evidence of
its being obtained till we come to an entry in the old Book of
Benefactions, which states : —

"In the year 1601 there was a contribution made by several
persons of quality, and especially souldiers and officers then in H.M.
service (the names of whom lie on record in the College books) 3
which being collected then by Sir James Caroll, Knt., receiver of
H.M's. money in the Exchequer, came to about ;^7oo, and was to be
disbursed for books for a Library, which was done accordingly."

This gift ha^ been misrepresented by Dr. Bernard, in his
funeral sermon on Ussher (London, 1656) in this way : "Not
long after the defeat at Kinsale, the officers and commanders of
the army gave at once ^1,800 to buy books for a Library for
the College at Dublin." The money was laid out by Challoner
and Ussher. This again has been modified into the story that
the army at Kinsale subscribed from the loot of the conquered
Spaniards ^^ 1,800 to found a Library in the College. The
Rev. Dr. Bernard, for a long time private chaplain to Ussher,
ought to be a sound authority, yet he is clearly inaccurate.
The sum he names is more than double that given, according
to the Book of Benefactions ; this is his first clear inaccuracy.
In the next place, as the siege of Kinsale was not over till
February, 1601 (old style), it is impossible that any such sub-
scription could have been made, and made known within a
month. Late in 1602 would therefore have been the earliest
possible date for such a gift. But there is besides an argu-
ment ex silentioy which I think conclusive. We have two
most minute histories of the siege of Kinsale, and the sub-
» S. P., 1592, p. 81. ^ ibid., p. 248. 3 Now lost.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 71

sequent events, written by Stafford, the private secretary of Sir
G. Carew — his Hihernia Pacata — and by Fynes Moryson, the
private secretary of Mountjoy. We hear every detail from
day to day, we have numerous documents printed, and nothing
is omitted which redounds to the credit of either of these heroes
in Irish history. In neither book is there one allusion mention-
ing this curious and interesting munificence. A MS. oration,
intended for Mountjoy's reception in the College in 1601, still
among its MSS., observes the same silence. Mountjoy
especially was a lover of books, and might readily have pro-
moted such a gift among his soldiers, but most certainly not
with profound silence on the part ot his panegyrist. The
story, therefore, is to be rejected. The facts are that officers
serving in Ireland in 1591 subscribed from the pay due to them
in bills a sum amounting to ^^623 for the purpose of a Library.
The money was difficult to realise, and several attempts failed.
At last Sir James Carroll, a man who had money dealings with
the College for thirty years, got the money paid when Vice-
Treasurer, but not till 1 60 1. The Library-room being
ready,^ it was applied as the donors had intended, to the
purchase of books.

With the earlier subvention — about ^^ 2,000 — and we must
remember that the sum represents at least eight times as much
in value as it would now — the College was so far completed
in January near the end of 1593 (°^^ style) as to be occupied,
without any opening ceremony, so far as we know. The
nominal Provost, Archbishop Loftus, of course, did not desert
his palace at S. Sepulchre's and come into residence. Pro-
bably the reason of his appointment was that of economy. He
could afford to take the post without salary. But if so, he did
no practical work. Provost Hely Hutchinson, in his MS.
history, notes particularly that Loftus did not even draw up

'^ Travers (1593) speaks of the room as finished, and of course there
must have been some books there from the beginning to educate scholars
such as James Ussher.

72 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

statutes for the management of the new College — a necessary
duty, one would think, for the first Provost to undertake.
When the Society had been five months in existence, he
resigned his post to Walter Travers, the first real Provost. It
is from the latter that we have the earliest, alas ! too brief,
description of the appearance of the College as he found it.
But we must first reproduce in imagination the site and its
surroundings.

The old Monastery of All Hallowes stood on the sandy, but
not swampy, flat bordering the LifFey, nearly half a mile to the
sea side (east) of Dublin City. The nearest point of the city
was the Castle wall and Dame's Gate, both protected by a
fosse, supplied by the River Poddle, which ran round the wall
(the present Ship Street) and then to the LifFey near the present
Essex or Grattan Bridge, where the old Custom House stood.
Between the city gate and the monastery lay one of the
commons of the city — Hoggen Green, not so called from
the many swine that grazed there, but from the Hogges, or
mounds, of ancient date, which were situated on the first hump
of higher ground now covered by the houses between College
Green and Suffolk Street. This was afterwards a favourite
site for a gentleman's residence, and was occupied in turn by
several notable people. But as yet there were no buildings
between the city and All Hallowes except a ruined S. Andrew's
Church, close to, but outside, the Castle, south of the Green,
and used as a stable by the Lord Deputy. ^

I understand the whole condition of this suburb quite dif-
ferently from Gilbert, if, indeed, he had any definite picture in

^ There had also been the Monastery of the Holy Trinity, the General
College for all the friars of S. Augustine throughout Ireland, which the
Monasticon Hiberniaim (ii. p. 77), places on the site of the present Crow
Street on the water side of Hoggen Green. I believe that location to be
wrong, for there is no trace of the buildings in Speed's map (1610), and
Tyrrell's Park, which is often mentioned at this time, was about Grafton
Street and Molesworth Street. Now Walter Tyrrell had been granted this
monastery by Henry VUI.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 73

his mind.i When the citizen came out of Dame's Gate and
desired to travel eastward, he found indeed before him the
open common of Hoggen Green, but no roadway through it,
its east end being barred by the buildings and precincts of All
Hallowes. He must therefore choose one of two routes, either
along the river, the course of the present Fleet Street, which
led to Lazar Hill (the present Townsend Street), and so to the
mouth of the Dodder, which he would cross in a boat (as we
now do), to reach Ringsend, and in so doing he would leave
the steeple and gate of the monastery, facing north, on his
right ; or he would keep to the south of the Green along the
higher ground now marked by Chancery Lane and Suffolk
Street, which brought him to the famous S. Patrick's Well
(still existing under Nassau Street in the Fellows' Garden).
Hither the whole population of Dublin made pilgrimage on the
Saint's day, and the bushes about it were bedizened with rags
and other votive offerings to thank S. Patrick for some
wonderful cure — offerings of small material, but often great
sentimental, value, like the widow's two mites, that made a
farthing. On their way to this holy place the populace had to
cross a marshy place known as " the bog," in front of the south
corner of the present facade of the College ; for here a stream
draining the swamps of S. Stephen's Green, and running down
the present Grafton Street, was stayed upon reaching the flat
ground, and was crossed by a causey {chaussee) of large stones.^
This rivulet, which now runs underground, crossed Hoggen
Green in front of the present gate, and made its way to the
Liffey. It is complained of (in Gilbert's City Records) that
the swine feeding on the Green used to lie in this water,
known as " the ditches," and interfere with the spawning of
the fish which came into it from the Liffey. The steeple of
the monastery and the gate faced the river and the road which
ran by along its banks. This steeple was preserved as afford-
ing a feature in the view from the city, or a landmark for ships
» I refer to his History of the City of Dublin. = M. R,, D 49, a and b.

74 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

coming up from the sea, and upstairs in it was the porter's
lodge of the College beside or over the gate, which likewise faced
north. The west front apparently possessed no public entrance,
in spite of Speed's map, which seems to give one. This can
be proved, I think, from documents to be cited hereafter.^

From the porter's lodge there was a varied and beautiful
prospect in every direction. Looking due west across the
Green, the city rose steep from Dame's Gate, the towers of the
Castle and of the Cathedral of Christchurch dominating the
lesser buildings. Across the river the tower of S. Michan's
Church marked the centre of the old Danish settlement,
Oxmantown, on the north side of the river. Nearer on that
side were the large buildings of S. Mary's Abbey, still a
hostelry, where distinguished visitors were received. Then the
eye wandered to the gentle slopes leading north, and round to
the woods of Clontarf, and its flat shore, the scene of Brian
Boroihme's last battle. Howth was in sight, and on this side
of the river Ringsend and Irishtown, with its massive church
tower. Then to the south-east came the fair slopes above
Merrion, and beyond them Dalkey and the Killiney hills. All
was there barren or wild country ; for behind them to the
south lay the high moors still known as the Dublin mountains,
where wild Irish tribes defied the law, and often raided the
farms close to Dublin, lifting cattle and burning houses. For

* The early accounts in the Particular Book, which contain constant
items for the mending of locks, specify (34b) " the dore next the sea,"
which I take to be " the great gate " (28, 30b), the back gate eastward {28),
but also "the gate towards the city" (31), which would naturally be
interpreted as a west entrance. But this was merely a back-door
for carts, the main gate being through or beside the steeple, which
was at the western end of the north wall of the enclosure. It is also
to be noted in Speed's map that there were surrounding walls at some
distance from the actual buildings, and that the entrances through these
are distinct from the great doors of the College. " The great door at the
stair's foot" (32b) is spoken of — "for mendinge of lockes of y^ great gate,
hall dore, and mendinge y« great key— 24s." (30b). These references are
from Provost Alvey's accounts. Cf. also Appendix II. to Chap. V.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 75

the country behind was as yet no shire, nor had it yet been
brought within the pale of the English law as the county of
Wiclclow. Even now much of this moor district, more fit for
a deer forest than anything else, is as lonely and wild as any
part of Ireland. The many beauties for which the Bay of
Dublin is not sufficiently renowned, were, in the absence of
all houses near the new College, visible from any vantage-
ground.

But the buildings were by no means equal to their fine sur-
roundings. The monastery had been ruinous, and was all demo-
lished but the tower ; there was also a cemetery there, wherein
an Earl of Kildare had been buried, which disappears without
leaving a trace beyond its mention in the city's gift. Of the
new buildings we hear only brief, and not very clear, descrip-
tions. Dr. Stubbs (pp. 11-12) gives an account drawn from
sources which he does not specify, and in which some details
seem to be wrong. The most trustworthy piece of evidence
we possess is the letter written by Walter Travers to Burghley
shortly after his arrival in Dublin. As this letter has only
been indexed in the State Papers ^ and printed by Mr.
Urwick in his little-known pamphlet (p. 19), the reader will
be glad to see the text (omitting complimentary jargon), which
affords matter for much commentary : —

" Right Hon. It may please your good L'^ship to understande
that uppon my arrivall here and the deliverie of your favourable
1"^^ on my behalf to my L^ Chancellor [Loftus] it pleased His
Lqp that I should remayne in the new College. Soone after
resyninge his place of being Provost [which he did the 5th of June]
by his LP order I was chosen to succeede to that place. By
reason whereof beside the common charge of the House I am
appointed there to read a latin lecture in Divinity in the tearme
tyme. For my mayntenance in dooinge of these duties it is
promised that I shall be allowed 40"- yearly, all which comforts as I
acknowledge nexte unto God to come unto me by your Lp^

^ Ireland, vol. clxxv. No. 50.

7^ AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

honourable 1'^ and favour, so my care shalbe, God willing, which
I hope, to approve myself in all good duties right thankfull to
your LP for the same. In which duties I know your L^ most
requireth my chief care shalbe in the maintenence of the godly
peace of the Church, to perform with quietness the things that
belong to my service, without just cause of offence to any, and with
as much fruite to all, especially those whom my laboure doe most
respecte, as by any means I may be able to perform. Thus much
having written ... I crave pardon, in a few more lines, to certifye
the state of this new Colledge. Beinge a quadrant of bricks of 3
storeys, and on every side within the court, it is 120 feet broad, the
west side which is of chambers, and the north side wherein are the
Chapell, hall, buttery and kitchen, are orderly fynished. The other
two sides are only walles, saving some little beginninge of chambers,
which for want of further meanes, is yet unperfect. ' If the whole
were fynished, it would conveniently lodge 200 scholars and 20
fellows. Of assured perpetuitie it hath 40' a yeare, whereof the
chiefe parte are 16^, which is raised of the grounds about the
Colledge, given by the citye with the seate thereof, and 10' is the gift
of Mr. Shane, a gentleman of Conaght. Thus farre I presume to
satisfy your Lp of our poore and harde beginninges."

He goes on to support the petition of the College, sent by
the same messenger, and dated like this August 15, 1594.
The petition (printed in Appendix V.) adds only two facts — that
" the College was now inhabited and furnished with some num-
ber of students these seven months," and that up to this time
not ^2,000 of the money subscribed had yet been received.
We fortunately discover from his further petition for susten-
ance in 15972 that the number of residents to be supported

* The description of Anon., p, 67, whose authority Stubbs follows, adds
a library with a gallery. This writer also assumes from the beginning
a second court to the west of the original quadrangle. Neither of these
are mentioned by Travers, but may have been in building during his
Provostship. I have not yet found the original authority for this
description, independent of Traver's letter. Sir E. Trevor, in a letter
recommending his brother-in-law, Robert Ussher, for the Provostship
(S. P., 1629, p. 218) states that the east block of this quadrangle was built by
his father, Henry Ussher, at an expense of ;^300. This fact appears
nowhere among the Benefactions.

^ Muniment Room, box F. No. 11.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 77

were the Provost, three fellows, ten scholars, and two servants.
Such were the modest beginnings of our great House.

But we will adjourn the question of finance, at no time an
agreeable subject for the reader, till we have endeavoured to
appreciate the actual society at this moment assembled within
the walls. For walls there must have been, unless the students
were confined to the inside of the quadrangle, and we find
frequent items in the accounts showing that the old walls
of the monastery were being constantly repaired. Outside lay
orchards very tempting to youths who were very poorly and
scantily fed. It is to be observed that the list of fellows and
scholars named in the Charter had already undergone modifica-
tions, and that of the original fellows all did not reside and
work within the College. The account of the receipts and
disbursements of the College from January 9, 1593, ^^^ ^^^^
inhabitation, to Christmas, 1595, audited by Ware, tells us
that neither Henry Ussher (appointed in 1595 Primate) nor
L. Monie, who signs a letter to Burghley on March 14,
1592-3, along with Henry Lee and Challoner, as a fellow, had
accounts with the College. Daniell, who was named a
scholar in the Charter, appears as a fellow, or at least with
larger receipts and disbursements than the rest, and senior to
Fullerton and Hamilton, to whom at Christmas, 1595? t'^o
whole years of wages are due ; so these two had been elected
fellows at the outset. But, strangest of all, Challoner's name is
wholly absent from this account, though the Provost heads it
with his, and the butler, Roger Parker, concludes it with his.
It seems to me that as Challoner had undertaken to supply the
College from his farm with meat, corn, &c., he could not
appear in the account before us as dispensing College money.
Yet the first Provost, Loftus, being non-resident, the chief man,
often called master of the College, was this Luke Challoner, a
man of learning and piety, and a " man of special note here in
Ireland," ^ whose character we shall discuss hereafter. We may
* As Temple writes, Anon., p. 113.

78 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

presume that his books, which he freely lent,i were the best
means given to James Ussher, then a scholar, to begin his
portentous accumulation of learning. The next in impor-
tance, though not nominated in the Charter, were the two
Scotchmen who had settled in Dublin — James Fullerton as
schoolmaster, and Jas. Hamilton as his assistant — elected imme-
diately after the foundation. As Henry Ussher, among the
original fellows, had experience of Oxford and of Paris, so these
men had Scottish traditions, and introduced into the nascent
society that variety of social qualifications for which it is still
remarkable. The way in which Bingham, in a letter, speaks of
their intimate knowledge of Scotch affairs 2 suggests that they
were no mere schoolmasters, and the promotion which both
attained under the new king corroborates these hints. Of
Fullerton's promotion we shall speak hereafter. Hamilton is
far better known to us, being the business man employed by
the College in external affairs, and sent to Tuam and to York
in their employ. In later years we shall again find him deeply
concerned with the College estates.

Neither of these seems to us a learned man or an educator, but
both men of the world, and evidently of social condition fit for
courts and public affairs. The rest of the original teaching
staff and scholars is only known to us by its connection with
the Church of Ireland. Not to speak of James Ussher, William
Daniell, afterwards Archbishop of Tuam, has already been
mentioned in the first chapter as a " painful preacher of the
Gospel." Of his lighter moments, and of those of other
students who received promotion in the Church, we unfor-

* Cf. the article on the College Library (and Challoner) in Hermathena
for 1902.

^ S. P., 1599, p. 449 ; but the information probably dates from 1595, when
Hamilton was in Connaught on College business ; also in 1598 (S. P.,
p. 339) Bingham, then in Dublin, assures the queen that the rebels are
supplied with men and powder from Scotland, " which by conference had
with a couple of Scottish gentlemen, which are of the College here,
I could alleije liood reason for."

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 79

tunately know nothing. For these lighter moments were few,
and all sports much discouraged in the education of that day.
The scheme for a northern University, to be made out of the
endowments and buildings of Ripon, which was promoted by
the queen of James I. (Anne of Denmark), and, like the
similar attempt on S. Patrick's, was defeated, gives us in curious
detail the regulations then thought proper to control a
student's life. Every quarter of an hour, from 5 a.m. till bed-
time, is to be accounted for, and of these only one, that
immediately after supper, is to be allowed for the recreation of
conversation. I At all meals (as is still the case in Roman
Catholic Colleges) a chapter from the Vulgate was read.
Similar regulations were observed in Trinity College. It was
a great crime to keep a hawk, for in that day hawking was a
very aristocratic sport, and no country produced better "tassel
gentles," " passengers," &c., than Ireland. The State Papers
teem with letters accompanying gifts of these birds to Burghley,
Walsingham, Robert Cecil, and others from Ireland. Perrot
was presented by the Irish chiefs with dozens of them in token
of their affection. From all absence of any mention of a day's
hawking near Dublin (before Fitz William) I conclude that
though the birds were plentiful and excellent, and there was
no want of game, Irish chiefs did not indulge in the sport,
while in England every great person did. But we do hear
that Lord Howth came to hunt the fox with de Bathe at
Drumcondra, that Lord Deputy Russell and his wife, then at
the Hospital of Kilmainham, their summer residence, went down
to the river to see fish, presumably salmon, caught, and went
to hunt the wolf towards Tallaght ; they also went a-hawking.2

^ That these strict notions still survive I learned from a curious experi-
ence when I was inspecting Irish schools in 1881. Coming to a large
boarding-school in Belfast, I asked the Principal (since a Roman Catholic
bishop) where was the playground. He looked at me with some astonish-
ment. " What do they want with a playground ? " said he. " Don't they
come here to work, and not to play ? "

=* C. P., iii. 245, 249.

8o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Possibly the youth in Trinity College had no antecedent
training in these amusements, for Travers, in the earliest
petition for money quoted by Hely Hutchinson, says : (August
1 8, 1594) : " As for any maintenance to be hoped for from the
better sort of this kingdom, so small is their affection towards
that work, by reason of their backwardness in religion, as
they will not so much as send their children thither ; and for
the poorer sort, who might prove good and profitable instru-
ments in this Church and Commonwealth, there is no main-
tenance." So then there was no great number of aristocratic,
and therefore sporting, youths at the College to distract the rest
from their diligence.

It would be a matter of interest to know what was the
average cost of living in the new College, and what fees were
paid by students. But in the early College accounts, preserved
in the Particular Book of the College, the only fees paid to the
College are the so-called detriments ^ (which now figure as
Decrements), and which amounted to 2s. 6d. per quarter for
undergraduates and 5s. for fellow commoners (and graduates).
As there are only two of the latter in a list of forty-six students
paying in the years 1605 and 1606, this source of income must
be regarded as very small. The fees for degrees appear some-
what large in proportion, and they were doubtless, as was the
case afterwards, divided between the Vice-Chancellor, Proctors,
and Bedell. Moreover, at the earliest Commencements (Com-
memorations) formally recorded, Dr. Challoner disbursed for
the gowns of six masters ^^17 os. 3d., and for three gowns
or sophisters ^3 6s., though we cannot explain why gowns
should be required for sophisters at Commencements.

The first intention of the foundation was to support fellows
and scholars, and educate the latter free of charge. But it
must always have been contemplated that other students
should come to the College at their own charges, and so we

* Detriments is still the Cambridge term, corresponding to Decrements
at Oxford, and means the money paid for the wear and tear of the House,
but also, in the Particular Book, the same money paid out for necessaries.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 8i

find that the bursar, Hamilton, receives between October 9,
1598, and November i, 1599, ^43 2s. 2d. for the pensioner's
commons;! and in Temple's time (1620) there were "fom-teen
fellow commoners and pensioners, and sixteen other students,
the sons of settlers in Ireland." It is also to be noted that the
detriments due to the College were received not only through
the fellows (as tutors), but also through the cook and the
manciple. In the first instance it appears that pensioners (or
their guardians) gave a bond, varying in amount, to the College
(in one instance it amounts to {^^o) by way of caution money
that they would remain in the College, and submit to all
lawful conditions, till they took their M.A. degree. Such bonds
made to Challoner, as " master of the College," are still in the
Muniment Room. The strange fact remains, that there is
no formal provision (perhaps prepayment of commons fund
was sufficient security) for pensioners dining regularly in the
hall. In all old Colleges commons was a sort of parade, and
evidence of bond-fide residence. The very small salaries of
the fellows must be explained by their receiving, in addition,
tutorial fees, but this was a private matter between tutor and
pupil, and does not appear in the College accounts. I imagine
that the amount of these fees was only theoretically fixed, and
varied according to the student's means.

I find no mention of chamber rent, unless the solitary item
paid by Mr. Mullinex, probably a fellow commoner,^ may be
such, and a solitary entry makes such a matter of no value.
When we arrive at the end of the next Provostship, at the
close of the years of scarceness and the advent of Provost
Temple, I shall revert to this subject.

Diligent search has only been rewarded by finding one
inchoate tutor's account, that of Ambrose Ussher with five

* Par. Book, p. 6. In the accounts of 1596-7 [Mun. Room, B4 and B6]
I find sums paid for the commons and for the sizings of Dawson,
Hamblett, Kinge, and perhaps another, which show that there were
pensioners from the beginning.

= M. R., B., 7 verso, line 6.

G

82 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

pupils, probably his whole chamber, in 1605. The sum
received in trust for each of the five is given, but the detailed
accounts of expenditure for each, being probably sent to the
parents, are missing in four cases. In the fifth the name of
the student, beginning vi^ith a Mac, was erased in every case,
and the very Irish name Gemrean superscribed. This was
probably the cause of its preservation, for I assume that the
careful and neat tutor could not tolerate to send out such an
erasure in a formal document, that he sent out a clean copy of
the account, and that this remained as a rough draught in his
possession. The account is so curious in many ways, that I
print it in an appendix (II.) to this chapter. Here for the first
time a tutor's fee of los. appears, paid at entrance, but the
period it covered is not stated.

We are better informed concerning the theological temper
of the place, not only from the well-known characters of the
earliest teachers and scholars, but from the controversies carried
on by the early Provosts and the causes which led to their
appointments. We must remember that the cautious Burghley
(Chancellor) was the guiding spirit at this time, and that no
appointment to the Provostship was made except by his
direction, though the election of their head lay nominally
with the fellows. His action towards Trinity College shows
clearly that while talcing strongly the Protestant side against
Popery, which latter he knew to be the great danger to
England, he was not afraid of those anti-monarchical tendencies
in Puritanism which showed themselves so strongly in the next
reign. His first practical appointment was that of Walter
Travers.

By the kindness of the Master of Christ's College, Cambridge
(Dr. Peile), I am able to give some dates and details of Travers's
early life, which are not in the histories. As he matriculated
at Christ's College, December 14, 1560, and is set down as
imp[uber), he must then have been under fourteen ; the earliest
age the Master finds noted, and rarely, is ten ! He was pro-

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 83

bably therefore twelve or thirteen, born about 1547. He
migrated to Trinity, from which he got his A.B. in 1565,
his M.A. 1569. He got his B.D. and incorporated at Oxford
1576. He was therefore a man under fifty, but not by many
years, when appointed Provost.

The only historian of the College who has said a word
concerning the character or Travers worth reading is Mr.
Urwick. He, approaching this history from the Nonconformist
side, saw at once that a distinct policy had animated the first
Chancellor, and that the early Provosts, who had always been
noted as Cambridge men, were rather to be noted for being
strong Puritans. Lord Burghley must have been very
determined in this way of thinking, seeing that he employed
Travers as tutor for his son Robert. He did not, so far as I
know, enter into the controversy between the extreme Protes-
tants and the Anglican Church party, but his constant efforts to
obtain for the former a fair hearing,^ and his appointments, show
plainly where his sympathies lay. Travers had shown himselt
an obstinate and ungovernable man as a fellow of Trinity
College, Cambridge, according to the overbearing Whitgift, then
Master. He had left the College and gone to Antwerp, where
he was ordained by a synod of twelve ministers and " almost
the same number" of elders on May 14, 1578 ; 2 he had also
visited Geneva, the hotbed of Calvinism, and was the author
of two remarkable books, intended for the reading of the
queen and Council — the one is an elaborate reply (1583) to
the plea of a Romanist advocate for toleration of that creed in

* In Brook's History of the Puritans there are numerous cases of appeals
to him as Chancellor against the tyranny of the bishops or Vice-Chancellors,
and temperate letters from him advising moderation to them.

' The document is given by Brook, Hist, of the Puritans, ii. 314, and is
of importance because the validity of this ordination was afterwards
questioned by the High Church bishops. His reply, that as they admitted
the Orders of the Church of Rome, with which they were not in com-
munion, they might well admit those of the Reformed Churches on the
Continent, was a pertinent answer, but not likely to satisfy Whitgift.
Hooker, in his reply to Travers, did not dispute this point.

84 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

England ; the other concerning the reform of Anglican Church
government. The former takes the side of Protestantism
generally against Popery, and not only answers the usual
attacks upon the Reformers, as the authors of ecclesiastical
novelties, at variance among themselves, but carries the war
into the enemy's camp, and argues that no genuine Papist
(owing to the Bulls issued by the Pope) can logically be a
loyal citizen to the English queen, and must therefore be
treated as constructively guilty of treason. But though he is
very ready to deplore the influence of that Church upon the
ceremonies and discipline of the Church of England, he is
himself a striking example how far the early Reformers had
breathed in from the atmosphere of the Roman Church that
haughty spirit which claims to be the only exponent of
the truth of God and insists on imposing its creed upon all
dissentients. So long as any creed in that day was in the
minority, or on the weaker side, it cries out against the intoler-
ance of its oppressor. No sooner do political circumstances
give it power than it persecutes like all the rest. A great
part of Travers's tract, if w^e substitute the word Protestant for
Papist, might have been penned by Philip II. of Spain.

Much more interesting and important is his earlier book on
the true discipline of the Church (1574), written in very
classical (though not impeccable) Latin, with great richness
of illustration from Greek and Roman literature, and presently
translated by his friend Cartwright and printed (but suppressed)
at Cambridge, and afterwards at Rochelle. In the other work
he had defended Protestantism as such against the Church of
Rome ; he had advocated its doctrines as in spirit, if not in
the letter, an uniform and consistent protest ; he had classed
Luther, Melanchthon, and Calvin together as of equal import-
ance in proclaiming the reformed faith. But now he directs
his arguments against the Anglican Church, and shows that,
having adopted the doctrines of the Reformation, they had not
been bold enough to cast off the discipline of the Church of

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 85

Rome — the extravagant powers and pretensions of bishops,
their claims to the exclusive right of ordination, their assump-
tion of political pow^er, their secular offices, the pluralities of
the clergy, not to speak of the laymen holding emoluments
and power in every diocese.^

If we concede to him that we have in the Bible, Old Testa-
ment as well as New, the actual word of God, and that we
should revert to it exclusively from the various aberrations
of the Mediaeval Church, his argument is very logical and
convincing. If we further regard the Protestant upheaval not
as a Reformation, but as a Revolution, we shall be disposed to
agree with most of what he says. He rejects the whole canon
law, the whole system of bishops, and of their powers both
secular and spiritual, and divides his clergy into Doctors,
whose duty it is to explain the Scriptures ; Pastors, who are
to teach the flock, pray with them and administer the Sacra-
ment ; Deacons, who are to watch the property of the Church,
and the distribution of alms ; a Presbytery, or council of elders,
who with the clergy are to have the power of inflicting penalties
for offences against the law of God. In an appendix (III.) to this
chapter I have given specimens of his Latin style and way
of thinking. He concludes by saying that he binds himself,
even with a bond, to God and the Church, that no zeal, labour,
or diligence of his will be wanting to aid this reformation. If
it be granted to him to see it, that will be the happiest moment
of his life ; if not, he will at least rejoice in having kept its
image in his mind, and will console his longing by the example
of David and of Ezechiel, whose condition in this matter was
not unlike his own.

* This book was written four years before his ordination, and printed at
Rochelle ; an early English translation printed at Cambridge was seized
and destroyed by the Vice-Chancellor, with Archbishop Whitgift's strong
approval. It was the translation found among Cartwright's papers after
his death, which was printed by order of Parliament in 1644, and as
the authority for the Discipline substituted for the Prayer Book (cf. Brook,
Hist. Pur., ii. 314).

S6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

This was the man whom, after being silenced by Arch-
bishop Whitgift in 1586, Burghley recommended to the
election of the fellows in 1594. What he had been doing
in the interval I have not discovered. He was possibly an old
College friend of Loftus,i probably of Challoner, perhaps also
of Henry Ussher, and these men, all of them of the serious type
of Low Churchmen then at Cambridge, may have suggested to
Burghley what agreed with his own sentiments. We have
many notes for sermons of Challoner still extant ; his assiduous
and " painful " preaching, and the almost incredible number of
his sermons, show clearly that he held the Puritan view of the
superior importance of preaching as compared with reading the
liturgy.2

At all events Travers, this uncompromising and almost
turbulent Presbyterian, lives in Trinity College and lectures
daily in Divinity, without suffering complaint, or making
complaint, of others. Wc knows that he preached before
the Lord Deputy Russell on April 4, 1596, and certainly
gave no offence. He was a man of zeal and great learning,
not only in theology, but in languages, and was James
Ussher's master in these things.4 For the latter was then a

» The speech of Loftus commending his election, which is quoted by
Mr. Urwick (p. 18), does not sound to me Hke the speech of an old personal
friend. " I am further moved to think well of him, as knowing him to be
a person of many solid excellences, and to be much approved of," &c.

2 There are in the Library notebooks of Challoner containing the
abstracts of many of his sermons. They are all on Puritan lines. He
had not only Travers, after his appointment, but also Mr. (Humphrey)
Fen, a notorious and controversial Puritan, to help him in his preaching.
There are notes of Travers' sermons (Coll. Libr. MS.), apparently taken
by James Ussher, but exceedingly hard to read. Ussher's persistent
defence of Episcopacy in later life was evidently his recoil against the
extreme Puritan teaching he received in his youth.

3 C. P., iii. 244.

* The zeal for learning, and the importance attributed to it, are features
marking the early Puritans, in contrast to the Puritans of our day. As
may be seen in Brook's History, they are always courting open conferences
and theological discussions with the most learned prelates, in presence of
the great political lords, and in these discussions, and in their many con-

THE FOUNDING OP THE COLLEGE 87

scholar of the House, and beginning his theological studies.
It is no rash inference to say that the complexion of
Ussher's theology, the Evangelical character of his teaching,
the utter distaste he shows for High Church practices, were
all results of the influence of Travers. We may even go
further and say that to the group of Puritans, who trained the
first generation of the reformed clergy in Ireland, is due
the permanent Low Church character of this branch of the
Anglican communion. The rule of Lord Strafford and of
Provost Chappell was too brief to enforce, and too high-handed
to induce, the formation of any opposite school.

The first difficulty, however, that faced Travers on his
appointment was not the opposition of tyrannical bishops, but
the vulgar demands of the flesh. The College was built, its
education inaugurated, but no means had been provided for the
daily sustenance of the Society. What were the best means
of relieving this distress ? At the moment official circles in
Ireland were excited by the proceedings of Richard Boyle,
who was nominally engaged in hunting out, in Munster, lands
concealed from the Crown's possession, and therefore not
producing their lawful rent to the queen, really in carving
out for himself and his patrons an estate from these lands,
which were always made over to the discoverer for a Crown
rent far below their value. But Boyle was apparently
succeeding too well, and had enemies. Wallop and Gardiner
persuaded the Lord Deputy to seize his trunk (with all his
papers) and imprison him. Of this his friends Weston, Napper,
and St. Leger complain, to which the other side retort that St.
Leger is a confederate, and is proving concealed lands in Munster
for himself. I

troversial writings they show themselves accomplished scholars. The
great majority of the prominent men among them had been fellows of
Colleges at Cambridge, many also at Oxford.

^ S. P., 1594, pp. 254-5, 264 and 1596, p. 76, in which Wallop and
Gardiner recommend to Burghley Sir Francis Shane (the benefactor of
the College) for "his services in discovering the great deceits of the

8S AN EPOCH m TkTSH HIS TORY

It is obvious that this case, being much discussed in June, 1594,
and by Sir Francis Shane, suggested to the College the petition
to obtain ;^ioo per annum from such concealed lands.^

But it very soon became clear to the College that they had
been badly advised in looking for a prompt and secure income
from concealments. The first practical result of w^hich w^e
are informed v^^as the granting to them (on April 4, 1595) ot
the Custodium of the temporalities of the archbishopric or
Tuam, left vacant by the death of William Lally. In doing
this Bingham had regard, no doubt, to the suspicious character
of the Archbishop, wrho, like his co-prelate, Miler Magrath,
was a mere Irishman, and a lukevv^arm Protestant, temporising
with the Roman Catholics, though at the same time a married
man, and likely to provide for his family out of his See. It
was more than likely that during the vacancy much of the
episcopal property would be concealed, and not found by his
successor. Hence the policy of having this matter at once at-
tended to by a foreign body, whose interest it was to ascertain
the full value of the Archbishop's tithes and rents. We have
the actual letters patent, and, moreover, a long correspondence

substitute-escheator Boyle, the deputy-surveyor Rupstock, and their con-
federates." I will add another notice from December, 1597 (S, P., p. 473).
Gardiner and Wallop attribute much of the national discontent to the
continual searching after, and granting of, concealed lands, which is " not
the least motive of so general a rebellion. The great practiser — this word
was then always used in a bad sense — in these cases is one Boyle, who is
not yet dealt with, because to avoid danger he continues in prison for
execution of debts of good value," The agent of St. Leger for this work
was one Newman (cf. S. P., 1597, p. 312).

^ The text will be found in Appendix V. The bearer was to be Henry
Lee, one of the fellows. (It is strange that this man's name is omitted
from the list of the earliest fellows, in Alvey's hand, in the Partic. Book)
To this the favourable answer is the document printed vii. in Stubbs'
Appendix (but misdated 1595). The following clause in the document
points to the angry discussions upon Boyle's case. " But because it hath
lately appeared to H.M. that in passing such concealments in that country
many disorders and abuses have been committed by conveying into
the books such particulars as were unfit to be passed, &c., &c., so she
straightly enjoineth that there be great care and regard had of the par-

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 89

with and from Hamilton, who was sent down as the agent ot
the College to collect the rents due in May. This grant was
evidently Bingham's practical response to Burghley's letter.
Hamilton found Lally's widow and son in possession ; he finds
the Dean and the Archdeacon of Tuam, and endeavours, with
the help of some local agents, to realise this property. But of
course every kind of difficulty was set in his way : no one
would buy distrained cattle ; no one had ever paid any rent ;
no one would keep an appointment ; in autumn a new
archbishop was appointed, and the temporalities restored to
him the day after his consecration. Possibly the obtaining ot
this Custodium had raised great hopes in the College ; it may
have been on paper a considerable sum, could it have been
realised, but this failure showed the College that prompter
means must be adopted to escape from positive destitution,
and so they address on August 16, 1595, when the failure at
Tuam became manifest, a new and different application to
the State. They disclose their reasons in a letter to Sir R.
Bingham,^ in which they purpose to change their suit from

ticLilars to be chosen and passed in the book of the College." It is dated
the last of September, 1594. The formal document follows, dated 17th of
October in the same year (Stubbs, App. ix.), and a Commission was issued
28th of November to inquire into the concealed lands found by the
College (Ibid., App. x.). In order to smooth over difficulties Burghley had
written a personal letter, dated 7th of October, to Sir R. Napper (Chief
Baron) and Sir R. Bingham (President of Connaught) to assist the College,
on account of their having the best knowledge of lands in Connaught,
and directing that in cases not yet legally transferred the College should
receive provisionally a Custodium of the lands (Stubbs, App. viii.) in
order to relieve their distress. The novelty in this document is that
Burghley mentions Challoner and Daniell, and not Henry Lee, as having
brought the petition to London. It is followed up by the queen's letter of
October 17, 1594 (Stubbs, App. ix.) The last document of this year seems
to be the petition of the Provost and Fellows, that as they foresee long
delays in finding out the concealments, and they are not men of business,
they may be satisfied from the documents found in Mr. Boyle's trunk
(Stubbs, App. xi.). The copy in the Muniment Room is not dated, but is
probably from the end of 1594, or early in 1595.
* Stubbs, Appendix v.

90 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

one for concealed lands into one for attainted lands, and pray for
his advice and support in so doing.^

This new suit is supported by letters from the Lord Deputy
and Council both to Burghley and to the English Privy
Council,2 dated August i6, 1595.

The distinction was evidently of great importance from
a practical point of view, though of course both classes of
land were often confused, for no land was so likely to be
concealed as outlying parts of a property attainted. But in
the case of attainted property the previous owner was known
and his rights abolished by law, whereas in the case of conceal-
ments the ownership was doubtful, and even after the grant
some lawful possessor might bring an action of ejectment
against the College for illegal description and occupation of
his land.

There was some delay in the queen's response to this applica-
tion for attainted lands, and meanwhile the college was so
destitute that upon their renewed petition to the Irish Govern-
ment the Lord Deputy and Council granted them for temporary
relief a clear and definite income of " ^^loo sterling, to be paid
unto them quarterly out of such Casualties as either are or
shalbe due unto H.M.," and to continue until the one-half ot
the previous grant shall be realised.3 This order is dated
December i, 1596, nearly a year after the previous correspon-
dence.

Meanwhile the College had appointed private agents to seek
out and report to them attainted or concealed lands — not a
pleasant duty or one likely to be undertaken by a humane man.
For whatever the legal rights might be — and they were often
full of uncertainty — there were in most cases occupiers whom

* This letter is dated August 7, 1595. Accurately speaking, the suit
was changed from one for concealed lands, and failing them attainted
lands, into one for attainted lands, and failing them concealments. It is,
however, evident that the first-named source is in each case regarded as
the real point of the application.

2 Stubbs, Appendix vi. 3 ibid., xii.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 91

years of possession had led to believe they would be undisturbed.
Men of the moral type of Richard Boyle were, however, easily
to be found, and we have the legal instrument appointing
Patrick Crosbie,i gent., of Maryborough, to do this dirty work
upon very favourable conditions. But the existing letters
patent specified only lands " concealed and unlawfully detained
from us," and doubts seem to have arisen whether this phrase
would include attainted lands.

This doubt is solved in favour of the College by letters
dated May 7, Eliz. xxxix. (1597), ^"^ ^" ^^ same year follows
the first real and solid grant of the queen to the College. By
it two large estates — the one in Kerry, part of the lands of
Gerald, Earl of Desmond, attainted ; the other in Limerick,
and in Kerry, the estate of Brian O'Conor, attainted — as well
as many small parcels of concealed lands scattered over all the
counties of Munster — were granted to the College for ever for
a head rent of ^^24 los. gd. Taking this at the ordinary rate
of 2d. per acre, we find it about 3,000 acres, and at is. per acre
profit would produce more than the ;^ioo which the Col-
lege desired. The queen, however, specially desires that in
measurements and estimates the College shall not be exactly
but liberally treated, and this was certainly done, for thus
the College acquired a property which, with the increasing
prosperity of the times and the change in prices, has risen
to several thousands per annum. The letter of the 7th of May
was supplemented by one on the 17th of May (Stubbs, xiv. B)
to the Irish Council, giving facilities for the prompt realising of
the grant. But in acknowledgment of a clause in these letters
exhorting them " that such careful respect herein shall be had
by you for the discerning of the said parcels there, as no
inconvenience or offence shall grow thereby to any of H.M.

* The other men so employed were Nich. Kenney and V/m. Hussey.
Letters from all three to Fullerton, then Bursar, are in Anon., pp. 345^.
That from Kenney gives a very clear view of the situation. Crosbie
(or Crossan), a native, who became an important English agent, is severely
criticised in S. P., 1600, p. 298. He was put in charge of the young Earl of
Desmond on his return ; cf. S. P., 1600, pp. 141, 486.

92 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

subjects in that land,"i we have a circular sent out on September
21, 1597, by the College to all the former owners or occupiers
of the lands now granted by the queen.2 This very interest-
ing document shows how far the agents of the College had
endeavoured to conciliate the occupiers. These are now pro-
mised undisturbed possession, provided they will pay the rent
due and come to Dublin to make out the necessary legal
documents securing the College as owner and themselves as
tenants under lease. Strange to say, very few of these occupiers
were English settlers arising out of the plantation of Munster
in 1588. Probably the speculators had, contrary to the
conditions of the plantation, let lands, which they falsely
claimed, to Irish tenants, whose tenure was therefore doubly
illegal. Such Irish occupiers would find it a direct gain to
show the College agents that the lands on which they lived
were really concealed from the Crown and claimed by the
undertakers under no proper title ; for then the grant to the
College and a re-grant from it would secure the natives in their
possession. The names of the people to whom the College
reconveyed the estates, reserving a head rent, and the
bonds (of which many are extant) under which these (practi-
cally middlemen) were compelled to make leases to the actual
occupiers, not only show that the College was almost wholly
concerned with the native Irish, but that the grant of these
lands must have been a very great boon to the native popula-
tion. In many cases the rival claims of several cousins, or ot
brothers, were settled by the recognition of one and the pro-
tection as tenants of the rest. It was by such negotiations
that we can explain the apparently friendly intercourse between
such men as Patrick Crosbie and the country people. We
do not hear of any conflicts or of any acts of violence in this
whole transaction.3

^ Stubbs, Appendix xiv. C. ' ibid., Appendix xv.

3 There are in the Muniment Rooms letters recommending Crosbie to
the Munster authorities, and several letters from him which show that there

i

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 93

These natural conjectures are fully verified by extant
correspondence.! It is quite plain from these papers that the
College had four classes of people to deal with — (i) the English
undertakers of 1588, who had of course laid claim to various
outlying pieces of land not in their original grants ; (2) the
smaller Irish proprietors who, though they paid various exac-
tions to Desmond while he enforced a kind of suzerainty over
most of Cork and Kerry, were really owners on old and often
provable titles, and who should not have been ousted on his
attainder ; (3) the actual tenants, almost all Irish, who occu-
pied the land and paid rent to the absentee undertakers or
to the smaller Irish landlords ; (4) rival seekers of concealments,
who in their own or other people's interests would offer easier
terms, or seek to jostle the College out of its claims by any
intrigue. Of these last Boyle was evidently the most active
and dangerous.

By this long and perhaps tedious commentary I have brought
into historical sequence the very important series of documents
printed in confused order, and with inaccurate dates, in Stubbs'
Appendix. But there still remain a few which I have kept
apart, as they belong to another order of grant. Had the
country remained at peace, had the College agents in 1596
and 1597 been able to collect any or large proportion of rents,
all might have been well. But Tyrone's rebellion, smoulder-
ing for some years, burst into flame and soon began to affect
the west and south of Ireland, even before 1598, at which
date the Munster undertakers were swept out of the
country with fire and sword. This state of war indeed
justified the queen in new attainders, and removed any odium

were difficulties and differences, but of an amicable kind. It is remarkable
that here Fullerton is the correspondent for the College, and Hamilton
takes no part, probably because Fullerton was then Bursar.

* Which Anon., pp. 34 sq.y has rescued from oblivion, with the addition
of one important document remaining m a modern transcript among the
papers in the M. R. (and now catalogued Box C, 6 c), Cf. Appendix to
the Chapter.

94 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

from the College of having participated in the spoils taken
from undoubted rebels ; but for the collecting of rents it
was an impossible condition. There are extant receipts to
Challoner for six years' rent, not paid till 1604,^ when the war
was over.

Under these circumstances we do not wonder that the
College, in spite of its now considerable but only nominal en-
dowment, applied to the Lords Justices in 1597 (closer date not
given) to make some further allowance and to pay in advance
some of the Concordatum of £i00y otherwise they threaten to
leave the house and let others who have private means take up
the education of the youth.2 There follows a statement of
their yearly income and outlay, wherein it appears that they
had, in addition to the rent of their gardens and sundry
benevolences from good citizens, got a lease of some land in
Baggotrath (now beside Upper Baggot Street near the
canal bridge) for two years, and had bought a part of George
Isham's grant. In reply to this petition the Irish Govern-
ment granted from the money supplied for the army in
Ireland a physician's pay, ^40 a year, six dead pays,
£j2 6s., and a canonier's, ^^104 — in all ^^214 per annum
— which the queen not only confirmed, but added £'2.00
from casualties, so that the income of the College from
Government salaries now amounted to ^^524. This was, or
course, intended only as a temporary help till the Provost and
fellows had tided over their debts and come into receipt or
their rents. But seeing that a war was still raging, that there
was constant outcry from the generals against the starving of
the army in supplies, the concession seems very liberal.

By these means, and with much other private help of which
we know no details, the young Society was able to weather

* E.^., M. R., E 16. Receipt to John Oge Pierce, of Ballymackequem,
for 6J years rent of the land he holds from the College in Kerry, from
Michaelmas, 1597, to Easter, 1604 viz., £11 6s. 6d. (Signed) Lucas
Challoner, James Ussher, Abell Walsh, John Richardson.

« Stubbs, Appendix xiv. A.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 95

out the years or war and famine with which the reign of
Elisabeth in Ireland came to its gloomy close.

Long before the College had emerged from this financial
crisis Travers had visited his old patron, Burghley, and begged
to be relieved of his office. The Chancellor accordingly writes
on May 22, 1597, ^^ ^^ Lord Deputy i as follows: "And
whereas Mr. Travers, the bearer of this my 1", hath declared
unto me that he hath a desire to leave his place in that CoUedge
and bestow himself here in England as he shall have means to
be employed in the Ministry, because he doth find he cannot
have his health there in that land, I do pray your lop*
that after his place shall be furnished with a fit and sufficient
man, &c., he may be dismissed." And so, without noise or
quarrel, and with the formal approval of the College, this once
prominent man retires (October 10, 1598) into England and
obscurity, wherein he lived on at least twenty-seven years.
Ussher kept up his friendship with him and offered him aid,
which he declined. His Oriental books, which were valuable,
and ^50 worth of plate he left, not to his Dublin College,
but to Sion College in London. The causes of this eclipse
and disappearance of Travers are nowhere stated, beyond the
plea of ill-health, which certainly did not prevent longevity.
But he and his fellows had often preferred even imprisonment
to any deserting of their duty. There is no sign of any
theological difference with his fellows — nay rather, the
appointment of another strong Puritan to succeed him shows
that his doctrine was acceptable to the College.

We cannot but conjecture that he was one of that myriad
band or confident English reformers who come to Ireland with
the intention of setting everything right, and who find the
problems, which they expected promptly to solve, gradually
growing in difficulty and ultimately insoluble. Travers had
spoken out vigorously (in his book on Church discipline)
against the abuses of English Universities and the necessities
^ Stubbs, xiv. C.

96 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

of reform ; he had, so far as we know, no active opposition to
his views in Dublin, yet he leaves in less than five years,
apparently conscious of his failure. It remains for us to
consider what the Irishmen who stuck to the ship had been
doing, and what was the condition of things inside the College,
during these anxious years of storm and stress in Ireland.
But for this purpose we have but the evidence of a few scanty
and often enigmatical Bursar's accounts and some stray notices
in the Particular Book.

The general state of Ireland had been growing worse and
worse every year. At the moment when Travers retired the
rebels were in possession of most of the country. In December,
1598, the queen writes to her Irish Council that she hears
even the suburbs of Dublin are unsafe for her Privy Councillors.
The enemy had in November burnt Dunboyne, " within six
miles [?] of Dublin," and ravaged the country round about it
without hindrance. In the following January they burnt
Kilmainham and Crumlin, close by the city. They even
broke into the bawn of S. Patrick's and stole the cows of the
archbishop's tenants in Patrick Street, yet Captains Stafford
and Atherton dare not sally out, for want of sufficient horse
and because the townsmen were not to be trusted.^ And if
this was close to Dublin in 1598 ; it had been so in remoter
districts ever since the end of 1595. In June, 1599,^ things
had gone so far that " there is gone out of the Lord Chan-
cellor's house" (/.^., S. Sepulchre's by S. Patrick's) "this last
night eight of his servants to the enemy." Well might
Captains Stafford and Atherton hesitate to pursue an enemy
outside when such was the condition within. Of course, the
hindrances to obtaining money which we have already detailed

» It appears from the Registry that on May 20th in this year the Con-
cordatum of ;^ioo was voted to the Provost to repay the debt due to him ;
whether he lent the College money or whether his salary was in arrear is
not told us. In S. P., 1598, are letters of commendation of the Provost,
sent by Loftus and Fenton, viz., pp. 282-3, 387, 403, 416, 419.

» S. P„ p. 67.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 97

must have been accompanied by like hindrances to obtain ng
pupils. As Kilmainham and the liberty of S. Patrick's were
not safe from the Irish, we begin to wonder how Trinity
College itself, further from the city and without defences,
escaped. Its poverty was its security. The closes and fields
beside it were set as orchards and vegetable gardens and not
grazed by cattle. Had the latter been the case it is not likely
that they would have escaped a visitation. Most of the
students must have been sons of Dublin citizens, and in case
of urgency could be withdrawn to their homes within the
walls of the city.

In the small list of names in early accounts, there is not
a single clearly Irish name, except that of Francis Shane,
or M'Shane, the Protestant supporter of the College in Con-
naught. All the rest seem distinctly Anglo-Irish or English
people. We do not hear of any question yet about teaching
the Irish language, except that one of the earliest printers,
William Kearney, was kept for a time in the College, and that
successful attempts were made to have the Book of Common
Prayer and the New Testament translated for the benefit
of the natives. Two documents, now printed by Mr. Dix,i
show that a few people were anxious to instruct the
Irish people in the Protestant creed intelligently or at least
intelligibly, and there were many parsons, once unreformed
priests, throughout the country who could not, even if they
would, read the service in English. Of the original fellows
we know that Henry Ussher could speak Irish, so could the
scholar elected in his place, afterwards sent to preach in Irish
to the people of Galway, William Daniell (translator of the
New Testament). But as for the rest, Challoner and James
Ussher, Fullerton and Hamilton — Dublin men or Scotch men
— they show no knowledge of Irish ; regarding Monie and
George Lee we have no information, and they seem not to '

* Cf. his interesting pamphlet called " The Earliest Dublin Printing,"
pp. 26, 28.

H

98 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

have been occupied in teaching. Even the monasteries of the
Pale had made it their strong point to instruct whomsoever
they did instruct in the EngHsh tongue and manners ; it is
therefore almost certain that no mention of Irish w^as made,
and that no part of the original programme recognised it in
any way.^

There is no reason to suppose that the general rising under
Tyrone affected the students in the College, beyond reducing
their number, and probably curtailing their fare. The dearth
of 1595 was such that the cost of provisions was increased by
j^40, in an average outlay of ;^200 in all, on the items of bread
and beer alone. The threat that the Society must break up
for want of sustenance can hardly have failed to make them
all sad and gloomy. From this time on till the end of the war
(1602) we have hardly an old paper left. There was no
Provost for some years resident, and the whole outlook was
extremely dark. Yet it was in those years that James Ussher
was building up the great structure of his learning. He had
access to plenty of books, either Challoner's or Travers', and
those in the incipient College Library.^ He probably paid
as little attention to the turmoil of the outer world as Hegel
did, when he was finishing his Phenomenology amid the
thunder of Napoleon's cannon about Jena. But concerning
all these matters, which make history to be alive, we have
only conjectures. Private correspondence there seems to

* It is worth noting, in the face of recent developments, that the Roman
CathoUc "Royal College of Maynooth " travelled much further in the
same direction. For the first one hundred years of its existence Irish
studies were there neglected and despised. That is manifest from the
Centenary volume published by Bishop Healy in 1895, in which Irish
studies at the College are hardly mentioned, and from the evidence of
many old Maynooth men to me in private conversation. If that volume
had been compiled seven years later, would this silence have been
observed ?

2 Cf. the little catalogue of 1600, printed in my article on the Library in
Hermathena xxviii. The lending of books by Challoner to him is also
shown in the same article.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 99

be none. Public letters are of course occupied with public
affairs. The most careful search through the State Papers
only produces for us an occasional hint, a mere breath,
of the feelings and habits of the average citizen of Dublin
in these days. The records of the Corporation give us only
the Acts of the city as such, and nothing of social interest.
The solitary fact, that two students persistently and violently
quarrelling were compelled to sit in the stocks all the time of
supper, in the hall, and are threatened with expulsion upon
another offence, is quoted by all the historians. The Fellows'
Garden was then an orchard let to a man who kept it in order,
but in the mud wall separating it from the College there was a
door, to which the fellows had keys. The constant mendings
of locks and keys, and of breaches in the surrounding walls,
which appear in the accounts, point to a good deal of license,
and to difficulties in keeping order.

APPENDIX I. (a

A Scheme for the Endowment of a University to be erected in Dublin,
from the funds of the late suppressed Cathedral Church of St.
Patrick, &c., by George [Browne,'] Archbishop of Dublin, — [1547.]

(Reprinted from E. P. Shirley's Original Letters, No. II.)

A DEVICE or peticion framed by th'archebysshop of Dublin for an
Uniusitie to be founded and erected in Irland w*'' a playne declaration
howe the same maye be easilie doon by the King^ Ma*'« to the great
glorie of God, his Ma*y bono' and immortall remembrance, and
the spedier reducem* of the people there to a due obedience and
acknowledging of their duties in that behalf.

ffyrst where the Cathedrall churche of Saint Patricks beside
Dublin hathe of late been suppressed and dissolued, That the same
Cathedrall Churche may be erected agayne and established_for ever,
together w' all the howses appteyneng and lyeng comodiously
abowte it, and therof a faire and lardge colledge to be made, for
the fyrst plandng of an uniusitie there, and there to be placed a
certaine nombr of f elowes to be contynwall students (in all discipline

160 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

necessarie) and so in tyme and by degrees convenient to growe to
be prechers.

Secondarilie that for the better pceding in all good litterature of
the saide students and others that shall repaire to the saide universitie
for learneng, there may be found ppetuallie to endure ffowre ordynary
lectours to be instytuted & erected, One of the Latten tongue, an
other of the Greke tongue, the thirde of CyvTU Lawe, and the iiij*
of Dyvinitie, and of theis the fyrst ij to be read euy working da)'® in
terme tyme, The other ij thrise in the wick, that is to saye, Mondaye,
Wednisdaie, and frydaye, the Dyvinitie lecto', and on Tuisdaie
Thursdaie and Saturnday the Cyvill lawe.

Itm euy sondaie and feastefull dale throughowte the yere one
sermon to be preached in the saide Colledge Churche by the dyvinitie
reader or one other of the felowes of the Colledge being a devyne,
or by some other godlie man to be therunto admitted by the Master
and Seniors of the said Colledge, or by th'archebysshop there for
the tyme being.

Itm that where as Christechurche standeth w4n the Cittie, that
the Dean and Mynistres therof maye be transferred to serve god at
the saide Colledg, £for there is rowme ynoughe for theym all, and
where the Kings Ma"*^ is nowe charged w* Ixvii" yerely owte of his
g" cof ers for mayntennce of certaine prestes and coristors in Christe-
churche, the same may be releued and resumed w* an honest portion
of the tempalties of the said Christechurche to the Kings Ma*^ use,
appointing to the Dean and felowes nowe being there sufficient
lyvings and salaries to serve in the said Colledge to be erected,
during their lyves.

Itm, that the Churche nowe called Saint Patricks may be named
the Churche of Holy Trynitie and the Colledge to be called Christes
Colledge of the fundacioii of King Edwarde the Sixt &c.

Sixt, that theis benefices folowing may be annexed to the saide
Uniusitie for the fynding of the forsaide Lectours, ffyrst the psonage
of Trym, the psonage of Armulgh, the psonage of Rathewere, the
psonage of Callari, the wardenship of Yougfeil, the psonage of Dun-
garvan, and a lector to be kept apon th'archedeaconry of Mythe for
ever, and that the M' of the Colledge do pay to euy of the readers
xl" yerely.

Itm, that towardes the comens of the saide Colledge and studentes
maye be applied all and singuler suche portions and allownncs as
ded belonge to foure pety canons and xvi'^" vycars afore the sup-
pression of Saint Patrichs aforsaid and the coinens of the churche
whiche w^ the benefics abouenamed will suffice ; wherin is to be
noted that of the same benefices the kings Ma*'^ is patrone of Rathe-

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE loi

were, Ardmulghan and Roslare, my lorde of Ormonde patrone of
Callane, The Bysshop of Mythe patrone of Trym, and the Kinges
Maiestie in possession of DungarvafT, th'erlc of Desmond patrone of
the wardenship of Youghitt.

Itm, the kings Ma"^^ moste gratious Ires tenderlie to be directed
to the lordes and bysshoppes of Irland that they will helpe w'
some other more psonages & benefics to be applied and annexed
to and for the better indowem*^ and maynteiince of the saide
uniusitie.

Itm, That comission under the kings great seall here maye be
directed to suche as to his hieghnis shalbe thoght good, ad audiendas
et terminandas causas ecciiasticas, to th'intent that thereby the
people may be occasioned to leave and omitt the popishe trede,
whiche many of them now imbraseth, and also to swere all
bysshoppes and preistes to the obedience of the Kings maiestie and
his successou""^ as their immediate hed and goQno'' under god and
for th'executio'" of other his Ma*'' 4?cedings according th'order used in
Inglande.

I tin. That twoo Archedeacons of Dublin may be againe restored
to ayde and assist th'archebysshop there for the tyme being whiche
was taken awaie at the supp^ssion of Saint Patricks, and this the
rather that there is no bysshop in Christendome w'owte an arche-
deacon, but onely Dublin, and so the saide Archebysshop the wors
hable to supplie his chardg who had befor the saide supp^'sion ij
Archedecons.

In margin [they to finde ij lectours.]

Itm, That now immediately may be sent thither iii to be Bysshoppes
and to preche, euy one of theym to have a sufficient lyving to th'intent
that neither they throughe default or lyving be bordenous to any
pson, and yet may withoute that care most diligently and ernestly
travaill in setting forthe to the people by an uniforme doctryne the
words of god and the Chry"*" 4?ceding^ of the Kinges Ma''*= as it is
here in Inglande.

I tin that th'archebysshop of Dublin and certaine others may be
incorporated by the kings char to' to receyve to th'use of the saide
unilsitie as well all the saide landes tents Rectories and hereditam*^
to be gyven therto for the mayntenfice of the same by the kinges
Ma"^ as by all other lordes and bysshopes that woll depte w* any
thing for that p"'pose, the statute of Mortemayn not withstanding.

Itm, that the Dean, dignities and pbendaries of Christechurche in
Dublin upon theire translacion to the saide churche of the trinitie
besides Dublin may be incorporated by suche name as shall pleas
the king'' Ma"*' w* honest lyvinges to them apointed having a chapiter

102 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and coenseall to assist th'archebisshop for the tyme being, in comen
mattirs as the Kings lawes shall pmytt.

Thys may an noble UniQsitie be founded for an immortall memory
of the kings hieghnis, and to his maiesties no great charge, so that
his graces coin^ndem' may goo withall unto the lordes and bysshopes
of Irlande that euy of them truelie and faithfully put to their good
aide and help for the saide uniusitie to be erected in Dublin as a
place of all other in Irland moste 4?pir for the same.

Itin, that a comissio be nowe directed to resume in to the Kings
Ma*^ handes all colledges fre chapels and chauntries w4n that
Realme, and that sondry free scales may be erected upon the same
for educatio of youthe there,'' whiche shalbe a good augmentacion of
his hieghnes Revenuez.

ffyrste for th'erecton of an unyversitie to be established w'hin the
Realme of Irlande by Dublin to be ther remanent for ever as well
for th'encreace of gods divine s''vice as the Kings Ma''*^^ immortall
fame, & the unspeakeable reformacon of that realme and for edu-
cacion of students & youth, whiche may from tyme to tyme growe,
aswell in the knowlege of god th'auto' of all goodnes, w^'^out whom,
the knowledge of the kinge, the obedience of his Lawes, shall neu
be hade ther, the lacke wherof hathe been only the ruyne & decaye
of that realme, and so by f)ces of tyme the same students beynge
repayred to ther natyve shyres shall by ther learnynge and goode
educacion be bothe example of goode lyvinge & also a lyvely
trompe to call that barbarous nacion from evill to goode, &
consequently from goode to bett", & so to be pfight & Civill.

It is thought goode that the late churche of Saynt Patricks by
Dublin w"' all the houssis, mansions, orchards & gardyng^ whiche
the late deanc p'bendaries peti^anons & vicars choralls of the said
late churche hade, shalbe gyven by the king^ Ma*'^ to suche as the
king^ Ma*'^ and his mooste honorable Counsaill thinke goode, or
others to be named by the deputie & Counsayll ther for & to th'use
of the Chauncelo' or ruler of the same Unyusitie, and the felowes
therof, and the deane & felowes of the cathedrall churche and
colledge there for eu, or suche other as the kinge and his Ma*'^^
Counsaill shall thynke mete & convenyent.

Item, for the establishinge of a Deane & chapiter ther, it may
passe well, that the deane and felowes of the Cathedrall Churche of
the blessed Trinitie of Dublin be translated to the said late Churche
of Saynt patricks, ther to cotynue w"" ther lyvinge for ever, for the
bett" mayntennce of gods devyne S''vyce ther.

Erased.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 103

Item, for asmyche as the Chauntries there, ar yett undissolved, &
that th'incumbents therof make spoile of the same as in yevinge
lesses of them for so many yeris, as in tyme nether the Kinge shall
have eny ^pfate therof, ne yet eny godlynes therby mayntened, for
avoyding wherof, & for the mayntennce of the said uniusitie, it may
please his Ma*'^ to directe his highnes comyssion for dissolucbn of
the same chauntries, and the revenuez therof to be applied to tli'use
of the saide Unyiisitie in man and forme folowyng.

foure lectors to be kept ther cotynually, that is to saye, viz. the
greake lector, the civill lector, phisike, and the divinitie lector, to
be reade from tyme to tyme, as they are read in the Unyusities of
Oxford & Cambridge ; & that euy of the readers of the said lectors
shall have yerlie of th'essues & pfits of the said chauntries xl li. and
furder that upon the reaste of the yssues & pficts of Chauntries ther
shal be meyntened for eu~ in the said Unyusitie the nomb' of ij^^
students to learne the said lyball artes, receving of the said yssuyes
& pficts ther living'' & sustentacon, as the thing shall extende
sufficientlye for that p'pose, & so shall his ma"° haue c"btynuall
Orators to pray for his highnes moost victorious & immortall fame
for eu".

and where upon the dissoluco^n of the said late cathedrall Churche,
it was declared by S' Anthony Sentleg' then the King^ deputi^ ther,
that the Kinge, his Ma"''^ pleasur was, that the said Churche should
be couerted to a bett" use, viz : an unyusitie, which myche the
rather |?voked the deane & f elowes ther, to codisende to the surrend"
therof ; therfor yf it moght please the king^ Ma«^ to graunt the
Vnion of the bnfics late appending to the said Churche, to the
said Unyusitie ; thyssuy^ & 4?ficts wherof was wount to be payed in
corne, & nowe dimised for mony to be payed to the King^ Ma"«^
use. The archbusshope of Dublin und" his chapite' Scale & the
Maio"^ of DubUn und~ his comen scale shalbe bounde to pay the
Ks"" highnes yerly according the survey therof taken, & this only
because that the masters & students ther shall haue corne at a
reasonable pryce for ther bett~ mayntenaunce, not meanyng herby
that eny of the p'sent fermors of any pcell of the pmysj", other
then suche as woU for that godly p'pose depte w'*^ some comoditie ;
shalbe dampnyfied therby, but only to haue the corne after the
yeris of the nowe fermors shalbe expyred in the p-'myss.
[endorsed in S"^ W. Cecils hand.]

B. of Dubly's
devise for a Uniiisite.

104 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

(b) Letter from Adam Loftus to Cecil.
From Shirley, op. cit., No. LXXIX.

As I certeynly kiiowe, Right honorable, your towardnes and herty
desi[re to] preserve a common place of learninge in this rude and
ignorant c[ountry], so will I, (leaving all arguments of perswasion
as superfluous,) precede in sheawinge myne opinion the next and
readiest waye to bringe the same to perfection ; only assuringe your
honnor as the want thereof, hathe browght a generall disordre in
this land, so the hauinge, will not only bringe godly quieatnes withe
good ordre, but also ppetuall fame and praise to her highness, but
commendation to your honour as to the cheefe instrument in pre-
ferringe the same ; As S. Patrykes (lest charginge her highnes and
readiest for that porpose) ther-for is the fittest place in the land, and
as I am by her gracious liberalyte placed in the deanry, as well
willinge to forder this woorke as any man els, so the olde bisshoppe,
a man (yf I shall saye my opinion) as un- willinge to this, as to
furder anny other our busines, to be provided for at home, and in
the bisshopprike one placed as willinge faythfully to ioyne w' me,
as I w*^ him, bothe we shall procure the voluntary resignation or
just deprivation of all the gansayers, and placinge favorers of the
matter, then folowethe the full resignation in to her highenes hands
of the bisshope, the deane, and the chapter, to doo w'all what her
gracious will shall be; and as the geuinge of the prebends, w*
other thinges therunto appertayninge, is a speciall ornament of the
bisshopprike, so he that shalbe placed, is warely to be delt withe-all,
lest, beinge once placed for his privat profitt, this common benefite
may be hinderid ; for myne owne parte, as inwardly I desire to se
an happy ende of this necessary woorke, so I committ my self wholy
to her Ma"% whos care I knowe will be suche, as I may haue where
withe-all to live, more then whiche I looke not for. I have written
muche of this effect to my very good lord th'erle of Lecester, and
withe my worke fellowe and brother, the bisshope of Methe, haue
also written to her highnes, all whos hertes I pray god to moue
w* his speciall grace effectually to take in hand this so necessary a
woorke, as by whiche his glory may be fordered, and this poore
cuntry relevid. Th'one of us, I meane my lord of Meathe or my
selfe (wer it not for uery pouerty) had suerly c"me our selfe, neuer
to leaue, but lyke the widowe in the gospell with importune sute,
tary sume ende of this matter ; we haue therfor sent this younge
man, whom this far I dare commend to be honest, zelous, and, for
his tyme, not meanly learnid. Thus w' my humble sute concerninge
my broother for the rectory of Dunboyne, that your honour will

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 105

have him in remembrance, I humbly take my leave, withe one
speciall request more ; your honour will take good care whome you
preferre to chirche promotion here. I heere saye ther is one lohnson
suithe for the bisshopprike of Ossery, of whome I beseache you,
beware, from Termonfeghone this x of octobre 1565.

Your honoures assured at comandment,
Ad Armac^an.
To the right honourable Sir Willa

Cecile, knight, principall sccre-

tare to the Quenes most excelent

maiestie.

[endorsed.]

X 8bris, 1565. Tharch b.
of Armaugh to my M'
for the deanry of S' Pa-
tricks to be eployed for
lerg.

APPENDIX II.

Ambrose Usshers Tutorial Account.

From the College Library MS. 287 (or C. 3, 5).

"A note of receipts and disbursements of money receaved and
employed to the use of five students, namely : Patrick Birn,
Cohonaghe Dowyn, Philip Conin, Daniel Lally, and Henry Gemrean,
Dec. 9th, an. 1605 :

Receaved for the use of Patrick Birn iii

of Cohonaghe Dowyn iii'-
of Philip Conin iii' — xv^
of Daniel Lally vii' — x^
of Henrie Gemrean vi' — x

current

money

in

England

Ambrose Ussher.

xxv' — xv^

Disbursed for Henrie Gemrean.

reserved for a bible ... ... ... ... viii* — o

to his Tutor ... ... ... ... ... x^— o

ffor his gowne 3^ y. at 11^ the y. bought at Mapasse

his shoppe ... ... ... ... ... xxxviii' — 6*^

ffor baeyes [baize] to face the gowne i^- y. bought in

the same place ... ... ... ... v*— iii*^

io6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

ffor cotten to line it ... ... ... ... vii' — vi'*

ff or fustian unto his dublet ... ... ... xi^— o

ffor lininge unto it ... ... ... ... vi^— -o

ffor silke and buttons ... ... ... ... ii-^ — o

ffor a yard of cloath unto his hose all being bought in

the same place ... ... ... ... ix'^ — o

ffor lining to the same ... ... ... ... v^ — o

unto the tailor for making the apparaile ... ... viii^ — o

ffor two payre of stockings ... ... ... v^ — vi^

ffor a payre of shoes ... ... ... ... iii^ — o

ffor two bandes ... ... ... ... ... i^ — vi**

ffor pointg ... ... ... ... o — vi*^

ffor a girder ... ... ... ... ... i^ — o

ffor a hatt, being bought in the Castle street... ... viii^ — o

ffor paper and inke ... ... ... ... i^ — o

ffor his diet before he was admitted into commons ... v^ — o

To the butler for his Entrance ... ... ... i^ — o

ffor three poundes of candels ... ... ... i"* — o

A table ... ... ... ... ... ... ii^ — o

remaineth ... ... ... ... ... viii'— iii<*"

[Outside the figures is] "Summa vii' — x^"

The most interesting light we can throw upon this account of
Ambrose Ussher is from the Statutes of Bedell printed in the
appendix. The supplementary notes facing the front page are
dated September, 1628, so that the body of the book must have
been composed shortly after his advent as Provost in August,
1627. There is no evidence that in the interval between 1605 and
1627 there was any serious change in the expenses of living or
in the fees of the students. Bedell was therefore, in all proba-
bility, setting down what had either been accepted from Temple's
Statutes, or from the traditions of the College. The salaries of
the Provost and officers of the College in his cap. 20 are the
same as in Temple's time. Now, in the chapter (9) de Tutorum
ac Pupillorum officio, we read : " Ac cum Tutoris officium sit multi
laboris et curae, quo alacrius et fidelius munere suo defungatur,
placet, ut quivis pupillus, nisi de ipsius inopia plane et liquide con-
stiterit, tutori suo annuum salarium gestae tutelae nomine persolvat
pensionarius nempe et scholares Collegii sumptibus sustentati 40*.,
commensales vero sociorum quatuor libellas [i.e., £/{]. Placet
insuper ut nemo pro pupillo re et actu admittatur, priusquam tutori
partem dimidiam et annui salarii pro tutela, et expensarum pro
communiis faciendarum in manu [sic] tradiderit, neque admissus re-

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 107

tineatur diutius, nisi tutori caveat turn de recta et expedita solutionc
debitorum et Collegio debendorum, turn (si sociorum commensalis
f uerit) de calice argenteo ad usum Collegii conferendo." This statute
was adopted by Laud excepting that the scholars' fee was reduced
to 20s,, and the clause about argent (still a tax on the students
of some Oxford Colleges) omitted : the Provost is also distinctly
permitted to hold pupils himself, if he chooses.

In the face of this statute we must assume that in Ambrose
Ussher's case he was content with a quarter's tutorial pay in
advance. The provisos for cases of poverty, and the wording of
the Laudian statute that the tutor shall not exact more than these
sums, all point to a considerable freedom in fixing the tutorial
fees. The 8s, 3d. still left in Ussher's hands was ample to provide
for commons for some weeks, and he may probably have accom-
panied his account to the parent with a demand for further supplies.
At all events, five or six pupils at this rate would bring up a Junior
Fellow's salary, supplemented by Lectureships at £,/^ per annum, to
a reasonable competence in these days of little coin and modest
requirements. The price of the student's clothes seems extravagantly
high in proportion to the other expenses.

APPENDIX III.

Specimens of Travers' Style.

[From page 46a of his book entitled :

Eccles. disciplinae, et anglicanae Ecclesis ab ilia
aberrationis, plena e verbo Dei & dilucida

explicatio, Rupellae, Adamus de Monte 1574.

The English translation in my possession is imprinted mdlxxiiii.,
but without printer or place named. For the bibliography of this
famous book cf. Mullinger's Hist. Univ. Cambridge vol. ii.]

Quo magis turpissimi errati nostri hac in parte nos pudere debet, qui
etiam ad gravissimum munus sacri ministerii indignissimos quosque
patimur accedere, et cuivis sordidiori artifici e taberna sua prosilienti,
aratori relicta stiva, philosophastris et grammaticastris, nihilo magis
divinarum rerum peritis quam artificibus et agricolis, denique tibi-
cinibus, citharoedis, dominorum famulis et asseclis, bubulcis, opilio-
nibus, baiulis, qui etiam aliquando non modo indoctis, sed et
contaminatre vitre hominibus Ecclesiie fores aperimus, ac promiscue

loS AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

fere et sine discrimine doctos, indoctos, probos, improbos, dignos,
indignos, ad Ecclesiae gravissimum mimus adhibemus.

Ibid., p. Ill : Nunc vero Academias otium pro labore, pro
pace et honesto otio contentio bonis studiis inimicissima, pro
pietate et timore Domini religionis neglectus ac psene contemptus,
et profusa quaedam in omnem luxam et libidinem licentia invaserunt.
Ac horreo quidem cogitare ipsas Musarum aedes tam a Musis alienas
esse, et hagc spatia a forensi strepitu remota (ut liberiori animo
honestis studiis vacaremus) clamoribus a turbulentis ingeniis excitatis
perstrepere, et mutuis odiis, injuriis, contumeliis, vindictis perturbari,
atque adeo ipsa religionis templa, aras sanctitatis, pietatis sacraria,
profana fieri. Quid illos nobilissimos heroas qui amplissimis sump-
tibus collegia f undarunt, ut cultus Dei, vitae sanctitas ab his f ontibus
in universam Ecclesiam manare possent : quid (inquam) si in unum
congregati ex ilia aeterna domo collegia sua despicerent, dicturos
esse existimamus ? Annon putamus ^os apud se invicem con-
questuros, collegia sua tanquam castra\quaedam inimicitiarum et
simultatum facta esse ? et quae illi divini mellis alvearia esse
volerunt, in iis innumeros fucos jam exortos esse, qui non modo
ipsi nihil colligant, sed aliorum sedulitatem improbent, et vexare eos
nunquam desinent, donee alvearibus suis pepulerunt. (apparently
referring to his own expulsion from Trinity College, Cambridge).

Ibid., p. ii6 (in discussing the office of Pastor) : Quod hominum
salutem procurandi tam necessarium et praeclarum officium atque
omnino omnium quae sub caslo sunt optimum et praestantissimum,
Deus bone, quam infinitis paene modis profanatur ! Adeo ut hodie
fere nihil aliud sit pastorem ordinare, quam precum et certas
liturgiae recitatorem et lectorem constituere. Neque vero hoc
tantum fit inter plebem, sed in media Academia, in ipsis scholis
et collegiis : unde tanquam a sacris quibusdam fontibus reformatio
peti deberet, illinc, illinc, inquam, huic profanationis et dra^iag
turpissima exempla manant, et in universum regnum derivantur.
Si utramque Academiam perlustremus, quid gymnasium, quis doc-
torum hominum coetus justum et legitimum pastorem habet ? Sed
aut capellanus aliquis (ut appellant) vel etiam plures ad Hturgiam
certis et statis horis legendam conducuntur, aut ipsi collegiorum
socii juramento astricti ad ministerium certo tempore capessendum,
eam recitant. Unde etiam fit ut aliquando in eodem collegio decem
vel duodecim ejusmodi pastores reperiantur. Pastorem vero qualem
ex Dei verbo descripsimus, vix aut ne vix quidem unum inveneris.^

^ I have selected these passages as giving the reader Travers' opinions
as well as his style. This book must have been well known to Burghley
when he appointed him to control the new College.

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE 109

APPENDIX IV.

M. R., C. i. c.

I HAD noe tyme to superscribe the letters enclosed, doe that part
for me.

Mr. Challener, I have receyved three or foure letters from you
since I answered, but it was want of messengers. That w*^ was
materyall in your letters was about mye brother's unnecessarie debtes
whereof now I have written to y' brother Christopher. I sende
his letter inclosed in this ; reade seale and delyver it. You knowe
mye state better than anye in Irelande, yet make it not much
knowen, least it hinder mee in England. Touchinge [the] note it was
false in Sir George's somme hee gave but 20^"^, and Thomonde or
Clare, for all is one, gave 70^^ w** you have put in at 66" 13^ 4^.

J Morgan had of mee three pounds for collectinge. I send you

his acquittance, w** if you beleeve not my Ladye doth witnesse ffor
it. The other f yve poundes difference twixt you and us, I thinke was
given to those that brought the monie, and I am sure so much or more
was given. Sir Richard [Bingham] desyred the note, not because hee
distrusted you, but because hee would have you amende the table
that hangeth in the chappell whereunto our province men take such
exception that they thinke some of the money to bee purloyned awaye.
I sende you againe your own note, and the acquittance desyringe you
to amende that open table afore the next tearme. Touchynge Gal-
waye, I am sorye you receyved billes they consined you, and yf you
will send Sir Richarde the bills, it may bee hee will send them to the
Galwaye men, and when hee should paye them monye (for once in a
year hee is in their debte) hee will paye it you. And had he not
dealt so with them before you had not had so much of them as
nowe you have by 50" stg, Touchynge the Comition graunted to
Sir Richard about Concealments, I wryte at large to Mr. Travers,
and referre you to his letter with this inkelinge that I think you
deceave y"^ self about benefytinge by that Comition, which he sought
for his business, not for you. Anye thing els I remember not to be
answered in y"" letters. The Lord blesse you. Athlone, this 18 of
Januarye. Commende me to y' . . . and your father and his.
Mr. 1 raverses letter I also sende you over

y to his power,

Mathias Holmes.
[A Fellow of the College.]

\S,ome time in 1594.]

110 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

APPENDIX V.

Petition of the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin,
August 15, 1594.

R* Hon, o' very good, &c., Chancellor, — The experience of y'
special favor whereby we have our beginning and hope of a Colledge
and University in this land doth move us in regard of the unsettled
and unprovided estate of our poore society to become most humble
suytors to y' L° for it. The present state of this new Coll. inhabited
and furnished with some number of students now this seven months,
ryseth not in any yearly certain and perpet' endowment bestowed
upon it, to the sum of £^0 per yeare, nor tho we accompted the
benefit of the grounds that lye about it, and are as parte of the state
thereof. There hath been given neare ;^2,ooo for the building of it,
and yet the whole is not finished for want of meanes. But when it
may be so fited, it will be fit to receave and lodge 220 students.
In maintaining of whom at their studyes, whereas all the hope of
the fruite of this endevor consisteth, and our poor and mean con-
dicon of lyfe yieldeth us not any hope otherwise to find means for
procuringe of the same. O' only refuge is herein to y"^ good L"
hopinge to find yet some comforte, whence we have re^'^ so much
already. Wherefore as we have been advised, o' most humble
seute to y' L° hearing is that of y"^ accustomed goodness to this
poor country and in Christian compassion for the rude and weake
estate thereof, it may please you L° by y"^ honorable mediation to
H. excell. Maj. for us to procure to this College a grant of ;^ioo of
attainted and concealed lands a year. We have sent humble petition
hearof by Mr. Henry Lee one of the Fellows, directed to H.M. that
yf y"" good L° shall see it convenient to be delivered o' duty might
not be wanting.

The rest is only trivial. It is dated the same day and way as
Travers' letter.

APPENDIX VI.

M. R., 6, c. (A copy, with gaps. Original lost.) The Circular sent

to Munster.

May it please you we having experience from the beginning of
the foundation of our Colledge that your favorable assistance hath
been alwayes rcadie to further the same, in that humble dewtie that

THE FOUNDING OF THE COLLEGE iii

cocerneth us we earnestlie pray y* wp^ the comfortable folk, in a case
which much concerneth us. Her excellent Ma*'^ having graunted
the feefarme of concealed lands to a good value for advance' of the
CoUedge here, we have by advise and direction of some of Her
highness counsel for the state of this land, procured one Patrick
Crosbie to travel in that bussiness, that this societie may [reape] the
benefit of such graunt. Who as he is to deall in y' honorable

Government of the province of Munster, as in other parts, o' humble
and earnest request is, that it may please y' worP^ to assist him by
y*" favour in Munster as he may nede it, that this bussiness importing
(as we take it) the good of all this countrie, may with convenient
spede take good effect, for better fulfilment whereof, it may please
yf wP^ [by] o' hands and comon scale we have bound our societie
to satislie the pties whom it may concerne, with making them plate
of feefarme of such as shalbe patentented to us from her Ma*'®
whereof the said Crosbie shalbe the instrument to show, and where
y wP^ may see the care we have to prove all good cotentemet to
such as we mighte have to deal withal. In w** we do the

rather hope for, and humblie beseech y' favor to (be ?) shewed
us. So shall both we and the posteritie of this societie stand much
bound to y"" wp^ and it shalbe a remembrance of great cofort in all
tymes to your self in all tymes to your self \sic\ to have geven a
cheerful and strong hand to the furtherance of such a service of
Good as this is. Thus commending your wp^ to the Almightie God —
we humblie take our leave. Dublin, this xii**" of April, 1596.

Y' w^ to ccmandment,

Walter Travers.

Lucas Challoner.

James Fullerton.

CHAPTER III

ALVEY (160I-9)

The interregnum between the Provostship of Travers and
that of his successor Alvey, and the long delays and absences
of the latter, have struck all the historians as extraordinary, but
no explanation of them has yet been offered. The first
obvious cause of difficulty regarding the appointment was the
rapid succession of Chancellors at this time, for we may be
certain that without the Chancellor's nomination or approval
the Fellows dare not elect. Now Burghley, the old friend of
the College and of Travers, died on August 4, 1598, and
Travers departed the following October. The second Earl of
Essex, then in high favour with the Queen, was then appointed
Chancellor of Cambridge, and apparently as a natural con-
sequence (for I find no express act concerning it) of Trinity
College, Dublin. But we hear in Ussher's Life (p. 11) that
when suddenly appointed Lord-Lieutenant and sent to Ireland,
where he arrived in April, 1599, there were "solemn acts" in
his honour held by the College, at which James Ussher, then
a lad of nineteen, greatly distinguished himself as respondent in a
public disputation. The new Lord-Lieutenant in the following
month granted afresh the State allowance to the College, and it
is well nigh impossible that he and the Fellows should not have
discussed the question ot the new Provost, and agreed about
the nomination. The Puritan party were still dominant, and
it seems likely enough that Travers recommended a man

ALVEY (1601-9) 113

related to his old master at the Temple (Richard Alvey), and
a man whose principles were unmistakably Puritan. All this
happened in May, 1599, and as it was the regular fashion
to send over two fellows to invite a Provost, or to swear in a
Chancellor, they would naturally delay doing so till the June^
Vacation, especially as all the country must have been in
high excitement over Essex's great expedition to Munster —
an expedition much criticised in England, as well as in Ireland,
but to my mind obtained by the influence of the undertakers,
who had been driven out with violence and cruelty in 1598,
and also promoted by the College with whatever influence it
possessed ; for the recovery of the rents of the new College
estates in Munster was impossible till those who had resumed
their alleged properties were again dispossessed. The College
had indeed, as I have already stated, let very little of its estate
to undertakers, such as Browne, or adventurers, such as Boyle.
But in every case whether the Fellows had selected a Mac or
an O, there were rival claimants — cousins, base brothers, &c. —
and these would naturally take the part of Tyrone against the
adherents of the Queen. Thus the expedition of Essex, a
great failure as regards the subduing of Tyrone, must have
been of great value in reasserting, even for the time, the
English supremacy in the south, and threatening all that had
seized upon lands granted by the queen with attainder, and the
loss of all claim to any restitution of what remained to them
by any older title. We may assume that the College was so
deeply interested in these great military operations that the
advent of the new Provost was not held to be a matter of
pressing importance. But there came (in September) Essex's
sudden flight to England, and his disgrace, followed by his trial
and execution. He had been unable to bear, with his high

^ We may assume the terms to have been the same as those defined in
Bedell's Statutes (Appendix, cap, xvi.)— viz., Christmas term, January loth-
March loth ; Easter, April i6th-June 8th ; John Baptist, July Qth-September
8th ; Michaelmas, October I5th-Decembcr 8th. It is much to be desired
that the College should restore this very practical distribution of the year.

I

114 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and impatient temper, the worry which drove even the most
patient governors of Ireland to desperation ; I mean the
constant intrigue and backbiting at Court which strove to
ruin every man who was not there to defend himself. It is the
weakest spot in Queen Elizabeth's administration. Hence
even so great and victorious a public servant as Mountjoy
was always fretting at the thought of his rivals and enemies
occupying the queen's ear, and compassing his disgrace and
exile from her favours ; much more so her impatient and
vainglorious favourite, Essex. ^

The disgrace and execution of their Chancellor made it
impossible, of course, for the fellows of the College to carry
out any agreement they had with him regarding a new Provost.
They therefore awaited the appointment of a new Chancellor
of Cambridge — Sir Robert Cecil (Earl of Salisbury), son of
Burghley, and educated by Walter Travers. Nothing could
suit the Puritan party in the College more perfectly. They
probably approached him privately, and asked him to confirm
the nomination upon which they and Essex had agreed. The
latter was executed February 25, 1600-1. Two fellows were
sent to invite Alvey some time during the following summer.
He arrived in Dublin, October 7, 1601, and was appointed by
an extant Latin Act stating that he had been invited by public
letters of the Privy Council {senator es Regni\ and approved by
the votes of the fellows and lecturers.

With these considerations before us all delays in his appoint-
ment are amply accounted for ; we may even say that all reason-
able despatch was used in filling up the vacancy. The most
curious fact in the interval is that the first Commencements
(conferring of degrees) was held on Shrove Tuesday (Feb. 6),
1600-1, that is to say, a few days before the execution of the

^ Cf. Mountjoy's indignant letter to Cecil, S. P., 1600, p. 397. It is
remarkable that even Henry Cromwell, acting as Lord-Lieutenant for
his father the Protector, shows the very same annoyance and agitation
in his correspondence, and the perpetual desire to return to England to
defend himself against private accusations.

ALVEY (1601-9) 115

Chancellor of the University ! At these Commencements
Lucas Challoner apparently became D.D., James Ussher M. A.^
It has not been noticed by any of the historians that this was
the first moment at which, according to the laws that have ever
since prevailed, a degree of M.A. could be conferred. It comes
three years after the B.A. degree, which comes four years after
matriculation, in the normal course. Hence James Ussher,
entering in January, 1593, would be qualified for his M.A.
degree in 1600. But it seems also necessary to assume that
these orderly and experienced educators, accustomed to Cam-
bridge precedents, must have had Commencements for the
conferring of B.A. degrees in 1597. O^ ^^^ we have no
record whatever in the sparse notices that survive. Neverthe-
less we are bound to assume it, and it is stated as a fact by Ware
in his account of Ussher {Jnon.^ p. 21). But who could then
have presided as Vice-Chancellor ? Judging from the device
adopted in 1608, we may assume that Travers, though Provost,
did so.

After six months' residence, and these during the crisis of the
Spanish invasion, the siege of Kinsale, the desperate straits of
Mountjoy between Spaniards and Irish, and his great and
unexpected victory, Alvey again left for England (March
20, 1600-1), and did not return till October 23, 1603. ^^
can give some good reasons for this renewed absence ; we can

^ Even if the execution had been over there could be a legal Vice-
Chancellor, as he was appointed by the Provost and fellows ; but as it was
impending, only the urgency of having Commencements could excuse the
College from the accusation of impietas towards its nominal head. In any
case it shows how completely the fellows acted upon the conditions of their
Charter and performed all University acts on their own responsibility. In
September, 1608 (the day is left blank) one of the fellows, Charles Dunn,
now a judge and Master of the Prerog. Court, binds himself (having
obtained the LL.D. in advance) to perform the exercises belonging to the
degree, to H. Alvey, Provost of the College, and Pro-Chancellor of the
University, and in the English explanation following, to perform "the
exercises prescribed by the aforesaid Vice-Chancellor, Dr. Challoner, Mr.
James Ussher, proctor, or the greater part of them." Hence Alvey was
clearly Provost and Vice-Chancellor at the same time !

ii6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

even do so for its long duration — more than 2j years. During
the great crisis of the war it was certain that the College
must remain in great poverty. Not only the estates, but the
State subsidies, would yield little and that irregularly. If
Fullerton had already suggested ^ that the cost of support-
ing a Provost was too much for the College, and that a man
of means should be found (like Loftus at the outset) who could
afford to live at his own expense, it was evident that until
peace was re-established some such economy was imperative.
If Alvey found the College under sound and able management
— and to this we shall presently revert — if he found that it had
survived without a Provost for a considerable time, he would
argue that he ought not to be a burden to it till the war was
over. And then came the gradual decay and death of the queen,
with all the excitement and suspense about the succession, all
the uncertainties of the future, which might well stay an
Englishman of the best sort from leaving his home. As soon
as the war was over and King James settled on the throne,
the Provost returned.

Such were the possible public reasons for his absences.
There is also a Collegiate reason of another kind that may
be suggested. The money subscribed by officers in Ireland for
the benefit of the College had not yet been realised. It is a
definite fact in the legend of this gift, already discussed, that
it became available about the time of the victory of Kinsale.
For James Carroll was then " Receiver of Her Majesty's
money," and it was his influence which turned the bills into
money. Anon, suggests that Alvey's later absence (1608)
was connected with the buying of books, then entrusted to
Challoner and Ussher. It seems to me more likely that now,
at the very time when the money was first available, he went
to England in connection with its outlay. It was a bold and
splendid policy of the fellows, when in their poverty they at
last, and perhaps unexpectedly, realised ;^700 from an old gift,
* Anon., p. 62.

ALVEY (1601-9) 117

that they should at once determine to apply it not to make
good salaries, but to invest it in the peculiar treasure which
distinguishes a seat of learning. As their successors in 1709
planned and completed a vast building, for which they had not
books to fill more than the fiftieth part, so the men of 1602,
though the war was still raging, though the great queen and
foundress was dying, though the country was drifting away
from their creed, " had the confidence of things hoped for, the
evidence of things unseen," when they invested what they had
for the benefit not only of their own, but of future generations
of students. Their sentiments towards the great Mountjoy
are perhaps more concealed than disclosed to us in the Latin
oration still preserved among the MSS. of the Library. But if
it was ever delivered, it shows that Mountjoy made a formal
visit to the College after Kinsale, and before the end of the
war — that is to say, in 1 602 — that he was addressed by an orator,
whom we cannot identify (Alvey was absent), and that in the
record of his virtues and triumphs not one word is said con-
cerning his army having given a princely gift to found a
College Library. Here the argument ex silentio becomes
almost a demonstration that the current story is false.

We shall choose the time of Alvey's absence to consider the
particular men to whom the College owes its preservation
during the great straits of Tyrone's rebellion (i 596-1 603).
None of them ever became Provost, and no Provost was
there during most of the time, either to support or hinder
them.

Foremost among them in Collegiate importance stands Luke
Challoner, owing to whose " endeavours and procurement " the
site had been given by the city, and who remained in close
touch with the struggling Society till it emerged from poverty
and danger under the generous rule of King James I.
Challoner died in 161 3, and even then his death was a very
great loss to the College, for he had just procured from the
King a grant of fifty-seven lots of chantry lands in and about

ii8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Dublin,! for a Crown rent of ^'22 i6s. yd., which the fellows
found so difficult to find and prove without his long and minute
knowledge of Dublin, that they surrendered the grant to the
next king. This pusillanimity, which refused to risk an
annual rent of ^^23 for the future realising of an important
estate, has resulted in the loss of a great city property. But
without Challoner's procurement they felt themselves help-
less. This shows how important he was even when the College
was twenty years old and becoming prosperous.

There are still materials enough for an interesting monograph
on this man, all the more necessary as the existing accounts of
him are inaccurate. He was not a fellow of Trinity College,
Cambridge, though educated there. Phoebe, afterwards the
wife of James Ussher, was not his only daughter, for he was
twice married, and had several sons and daughters, all of whom
are said to have been buried with him in the College. His
first wife, the mother of Phoebe, was Elinor Ussher. Thus he
was closely connected with the other name so prominent at the
outset, and, like his own, long and honourably known in the
annals of Dublin. In addition to the great act of his life, the
founding of the College, we know him, chiefly, from his note-
books, still preserved in the Library, as a man of learning and
fond of books, so that he was fit (with James Ussher) to choose
for the growing library of the College.^

In his London residences for this purpose his daughter
Phoebe accompanied him, for we find items in his accounts
such as " Phoebe's peticote, her hatt and gloves," showing that
the metropolis, then as now, demanded special outlays in
female dress. In the next place we know of Challoner as a

^ Details are given on p. 156.

2 In Bodley's correspondence, as edited in Hearn's RcUquice Bodleiance,
I find several references to Challoner, and to his sister Phcebe (? daughter)
as a buyer and exchanger of books. The name of James Ussher, so fre-
quently mentioned by historians in this connection, never appears in the
published letters. This suggests to us that Challoner was the leading man
it) the College deputation to buy books in England,

ALVEY (1601-9) 119

"very painful preacher of the Gospel," giving minute expo-
sitions of the Scripture from Dublin pulpits, and probably,
though we are not told so, in Divinity Lectures. The
absence of all mention of his lecturing work in College is,
however, strange, and requires explanation. Apparently his
parochial or clerical duties took up so much of his time that
he left the daily teaching of the students to others. We
have in his notebooks the heads of many discourses, exegetical
and doctrinal, showing his Puritan principles. We must
remember that as the Authorised Version did not appear till
near the close of his life (i6ii), the duty of reading and ex-
pounding the Scriptures from the pulpit was even more urgent
than afterwai'ds, the older versions being both scarce and
imperfect.

Such being Challoner's theological qualifications, the wonder
is that he was never made a bishop. Equally strange is it that
he never was Provost, for he often governed the Society when
Provosts were absent ; he is known as " chief of the College "
in contracts with the outer world, and if not formally, he was
practically Vice-Provost for several years.

This brings us to another side of his activity — that of the
shrewd and careful business man. He had a large farm near
Finglas — Dr. Stubbs says he had leased some of the Arch-
bishop's lands there ^ — and from this he used to supply the
College, as his accounts show, with the provisions they re-
quired. The catalogue of his private library is in another
notebook, and so is the catalogue of the College Library about
16 1 2, the latest date of the publication of any of the books
being 161 1.2 It might have been expected that he would be-

^ I read it, "lease held from the Lo. Bishop of All— h," certainly not
Dublin, possibly Ardagh.

= At the head of it there is a note, but erased, stating that it is the
catalogue of the College Hbrary in 1610. The main catalogue of Challoner's
library is dated 1598, and the prices are marked opposite each book.
Why this latter precaution was taken does not appear. If he placed them
at the disposal of the College it would be the natural thing to do. The

I20 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

queath his books to the Society which he so long and generously
served. But his will is extant, ^^ wherein we see that after
bequeathing particular books, or a certain number of volumes
to be selected, to individual friends among the fellows, he gave
all the rest to his daughter Phoebe, whom he also, on his death-
bed, bequeathed to Ussher, if he would marry her. Thus with
this lady Challoner's library became Ussher's, and through this
channel came ultimately into the College Library.

The impression produced by all these scattered facts is that
this excellent person, to whom Ireland owes a permanent debt
of gratitude, was somehow wanting in greatness, and left no
widespread impression upon his contemporaries. It is likely
that the Latin oration to Mountjoy, already alluded to, and the
letter to Burghley asking for the realisation of officers' bills,
are his composition. If so, his style in both languages
was clumsy and unattractive. A handsome monument was
set in the old chapel to his memory by his favourite daughter,
Ussher's wife. It was a recumbent figure of the man in
alabaster. When the older chapel was demolished at the close
of the eighteenth century, and the present one built, this
monument was stowed away at the back of the new building,
close to the vault where Provosts were then laid. But it was
left in the open air, and under the drip of the roof, and so
neglected or forgotten that in about thirty years the whole
surface was worn off, and the figure hopelessly defaced. If
this history ever reaches so late a date in the annals of the
College, it will be shown that this is but one of a host

collection contains most of the books serviceable to a theologian and a
man of letters then attainable. Greek and Hebrew, both texts, grammars,
and dictionaries, appear in it. On a page following the catalogue is an
interesting list of books abroad, showing that he kept account of the books
he lent, and scored out each according as it was returned. Each little
list is headed with the name of the man who had borrowed. And here
we find the names of the existing fellows, Ussher, Richardson, Walsh,
Dun, King. The only notable names absent are Provost Travers and
Messrs. Fullerton and Hamilton.
^ Printed in Wright's Ussher Memorials,

ALVEY (1601-9) 121

of vandalisms perpetrated by the Governing Board of that
day.

The next man in value, from a Collegiate point of view, w^as
William Daniell, named among the first three scholars in the
original Charter.^ He, after the promotion of Henry Ussher
in 1595, was the only Irish scholar we know of among the
fellows. I have spoken already of his mission to Galway,
though he objected that he was urgently required to teach in
his College ; he ultimately became Archbishop of Tuam. To
him is due the completion 2 of the Irish version of the New
Testament (first published 1602), and that of the Common
Prayer (1608). It is to him that I would refer the draft
of an agreement to bring back into the College, with
the appointments of a fellow, William Kerney, the printer,
who had gone off with his press owing to some dispute.3
Daniell's letters from Galway, printed in the S. P., show him
to have been a pious, hard-working man, of the same Puritan
type as his theological colleagues.

Less successful in life, and eclipsed by his great brother,
Ambrose Ussher, the first librarian, has hitherto received no
recognition as one of the builders of the reputation of the
College near Dublin for learning. We have no entry of his
election as a fellow, but in the accounts of 1601 and 1603 ^^
gets " wages " as Sir Ussher, a title never, I think, used of a
fellow; in 1605 he is Mr. Ussher, and his salary is ^^3 per
half-year, which shows him to have been then elected.
Fellows and lecturers were then not necessarily identical, for
Masters of Arts were sometimes employed and paid to lecture,

^ When Archbishop of Tuam he is often called O'Donnell, and in con-
nection with his Irish Bible, why, I know not. In the College records,
as in the original Charter, he is quite consistently called William Daniell.
In the earliest accounts of the College (i593-5) he appears to have
received and disbursed larger sums than any of his colleagues.

"" He obtained the aid of several other Irish scholars.

3 This New Testament, often since inaccurately reprinted, is shown by
recent scholarship to be an excellent work, and is being republished under
the able editorship of Professor Atkinson.

122 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and there were Fellows who never received such salary ; but
in Ambrose Ussher's case we know he was both, and besides
librarian, tutor and preacher. No man did such various
service, and to judge from his extant MSS. no man was more
fit to do so by reason of his learning. There is one brief
Catechism of his printed, but the College Library contains
many MS. volumes of his writings — sermons, essays, studies in
Latin, Greek, Hebrew, and Arabic, above all a complete trans-
lation of the whole Bible from the original, and dedicated to
King James, which seems to have been silenced by the appear-
ance of the Authorised Version. Nevertheless this laborious
scholar received no promotion. He had a long illness (ap-
parently mental) during the present period, for we find his
salary and an allowance for his commons paid to his brother
on this account. But he was nevertheless one of the most
important builders of the House, and one of those who from
the first gave it the reputation it has since sustained.

He probably was far more useful in this respect than his
brother James, who has shed such public lustre upon his
country by his vast and not dissimilar learning. But during
these years James Ussher had already chosen his career in the
work of the Church rather than the University. He was at
the beginning a working fellow, but presently obtaining a
living, he only remained Professor of Theological Contro-
versies, and therefore taught nothing but Divinity. His duties
in Dublin were in his parish and in the pulpit ; he was active
for his College, buying books in London, Oxford, and Cam-
bridge, and in promoting the solidarity between the English
Universities and their Irish sister. He brought over Thomas
Lydiat, and made him a fellow, apparently in 1609, so
securing for the College the best teaching in chronology, then
his favourite study. But he himself no longer appears to us as
a College don, but as an European man of letters. However
little he may have taught classes, the effect of such a man
rising out of Dublin, and commanding the respect of the

ALVEY (1601-9) 123

learned world, can hardly be over-estimated. The great danger
before Trinity College was that it would degenerate, as the
Royal College of Maynooth has done, into a narrow and ex-
clusively provincial seminary, unrecognised and despised in its
remote isolation. Jam?es Ussher was the first of a long series
of men who have made their College not provincial but cos-
mopolitan ; Ambrose may be put at the head of another series
who have provided it with diligent teachers of varied and
minute learning.

Widely different, but equally useful to the College, were the
pair of Scotch laymen, James Fullerton and James Hamilton,
who parted company with the Society soon after the accession
of King James, and were advanced by him not only to
knighthood, but to other substantial favours. Hamilton
became Lord Clandeboye, and a great owner in the Co.
Down. We may presume from the favours shown to
Fullerton that it was only his death which prevented his attain-
ing a like distinction. The earlier history of these men,
who for a long time hunted in couples, is interesting, but
obscure. They came to Dublin to work a school — this
privilege being granted by the Corporation to Fullerton,
who was the senior, in 1588.^ Hamilton was his assistant,
and to this school James Ussher was sent when a precocious
child.

The immediate importance into which Fullerton blossoms
on the accession of King James gives colour to the tradition
that they were really political agents, sent by the Scottish king

* Cf. Gilbert's Dublin Records, ii. p. 219, The first entry appoints him
schoolmaster to the city at ;^20 per annum and his diet, with the con-
dition that city boys are to be charged no fee, liberty for private arrange-
ments concerning others being granted. Next year the city finds this
arrangement too expensive, and upon Fullerton's suit for payment of
arrears due, alters the arrangement back to that made with his predecessor
in 1587, viz., ;^io salary (but this time sterling money) and leave to charge
fees. Then in 1590 the citizens pass a resolution that they will strive
to maintain the original bargain. After this Fullerton, so far as I know,
disappears froiij the records of the city.

124 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

to watch his interests in Ireland during the last years ot
Elizabeth, and that their school afforded them a convenient
disguise. Still their election to fellowships almost immediately
after the foundation seems to show that their literary qualifica-
tions were not inadequate. But we know nothing of their
efficiency in the teaching of the students — of course every
fellow was required to lecture daily — we can only tell that
they were both Bursars, and that both were employed on public
missions for the College. For these services they required
frequent leave of absence, and hence it is that we hear of
lecturers, along with the fellows, among the authorities of the
College, who elected Alvey [Anon. p. 63). Younger men must
have supplied teaching while the Provost, Fullerton, and
Hamilton were absent.

The latter ^ was first appointed agent of the College in the
matter of the Archbishopric of Tuam, already spoken of, and
we have his correspondence from the west in the spring of
1595. Then he was nominated by the Provost and fellows
to go to York, and obtain the ;^ioo bequeathed to the
College by James Cotterel.2 An extant note shows that he
recovered this money, and paid the College ;^8 a year interest
upon it for some years after. Apparently the realising of money
was in those days a great difficulty. Thus we find frequent

* Cf. Partic. Book, p. 4 : " No wages since his first coming nor cofhons
for 2 whole years ending at Christmas, 1596, yet allowed = ;^8 14s,," does
not say whether his comons dated from his first coming ; so also p. 5,
" whereof allowed to him for his wages since his first coming being two
years which end at Midsummer, 1597," applied to Hamilton, gives us the
date of his first residence as Midsummer, 1595, but he was a fellow since
1593, and the two entries do not agree.

2 The act appointing him, signed by Travers, is still extant, and it is
stamped with the original College seal. Unfortunately the impression is
a careless one, and only makes this clear, that the Towers of Dublin were
not yet adopted. There is a tall tower in the middle, with lower flanking
towers, possibly the old gate of the College, and over it the book, lion, and
harp. This unique specimen of the original seal has escaped the obser-
vation of all the earlier historians of the College ; it is in the M, R. and
catalogued C4.

ALVEY (1601-9) 125

references to Isham's grant, which was the purchase by the
College from George Isham of part of a grant of ^^ 100 per
annum from the Crown to him in Munster as an under-
taker. But here again there were long delays, though there
is an item in an old account for the entertainment of Isham
during his stay in the College.^

If Hamilton had been the agent of the College for their first
attempt to realise concealments in Connaught, Fullerton,
Bursar in 1597, ^^^ ^^^ agent who travelled in the south with
Crosbie and others to negotiate with the occupants of the
concealments granted by the queen in that year. Crosbie in
fact refuses to travel and work without him, and the last direct
evidence of Fullerton's connection with College business is
Crosbie's letter, dated 1606.2 For immediately upon the new
king's accession both he and Hamilton had gone to Court,
and whether they were really accredited agents of the king in
Ireland or not, had persuaded him ot their usefulness and
importance to his interests. The State Papers show clearly
that during the closing years of Elizabeth's life, James,
who was anxiously watching for her end, and planning to
secure his own succession, was seeking to influence Ireland in
his favour. Though the old queen was constantly protesting
against it, and receiving from him dishonest assurances that he
would meet her wishes, he was encouraging the immigration of
Scots — Redshanks they were called — from Cantire, Mull, and
from Argyllshire, to the north of Ireland. Elizabeth's first
notion of a plantation in Ulster, for which she commissioned
the elder Essex, was not to subdue the Irish, but to keep out
the Scots. These people were not the Puritan lowlanders, but
savages with bows and arrows, who spoke the same language
as the Irish, and were closely akin in race and manners.
Elizabeth authorises Essex to treat them as slaves, and put
them to the galleys, if taken prisoners in arms. Yet they had
secured for themselves a large and good territory, then called
' M. K., B4, verso i. ' ibid., C, 6d.

126 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

the Route, between the Bush and the Bann ; ^ they had
occupied many other tracts in Down and Antrim, so much so
that these two counties were carefully excluded by the Scottish
King of England from his new plantation of Ulster. The
encounter of Sir R. Bingham with these Scots, ending with
their defeat and massacre at Ardnaree in Sligo (1586), shows
them wandering with waggons full of wives and children, just
like the Cimbri and Teutones in Roman times, and answering
boldly that they recognised no right but that of the stronger to
occupy land in any country.^

The secret encouragement by James of Scotch immigration
— the MacDonnells of Antrim were the chiefs of this move-
ment— was coupled with vague promises to the Roman
Catholics of the towns that with the new reign a broad
toleration of Popery would ensue. The faith in these pro-
mises showed itself at once upon James' accession, for Mount-
joy, fresh from his subduing of Tyrone, was obliged to make a
prompt campaign to Waterford and Cork, where the people
had ejected the Protestant clergy, and openly celebrated the
mass in the principal churches. His encounter with the
Jesuit who led the Waterford revolt, and whom he silenced in
controversy by producing a copy of S. Augustine from his
tent, and thus proving the Jesuit's misquotation, is one of the
most characteristic anecdotes in his great and striking career.

So far it seemed desirable to digress, in order to give mean-
ing to the current story that these two fellows of the
College were important political agents. The absence of

* S. p., 1596, pp. 52, 55, 227, 232. Sir A. Chichester was wounded with a
Scottish arrow at Carrickfergus in 1597 ; cf. S. P., 1597, p. 466. They
were hired as mercenaries by both sides in Tyrone's war.

2 S. P., 1586, p. 175. These Scots " came with woman, boys, churls, and
children, whereof they had many and great store of carriages," for the
purpose of occupying Mayo, They fought with bows and arrows, and
when defeated were massacred, not excepting their women and children
(p. 183). Bingham's great difficulty in this campaign was that the kerne
commandeered by the English not only fought badly, but communicated
constantly with the enemy, so that he could keep no enterprise secret.

ALVEY (1601-9) 127

their names from the list of fellows who borrowed books from
Challoner is a negative indication in the same direction. They
were not scholars or College Dons, but men of action,
probably invaluable as Bursars, but not as the promoters of
learning. In the very first year of James the Irish Patent
Rolls I show large grants of monastic and other lands in
Connaught and Donegal 2 to Fullerton. He was knighted in
1605. In 1607 he is entitled Muster Master and Clerk of the
Cheque for the army in Ireland. He was also a member of
the Privy Council, and greatest of all, one of the seven Com-
missioners for the Ulster plantation, viz., the Bishop of Derry,
Sir James Ley, Sir A. St. Leger, Sir H. Docwra, Sir O. St. John,
Sir James Fullerton, and Sir J. Davis — all the highest and most
important oificials.3 He also superintends the building of forts
in Ulster, and was for a time in charge of the important castle
of Sligo. He is perhaps the only official in the State Papers of
that day who had no enemies and made no complaints. Even
when the musters, for which he was responsible, were
proved defective, there is a special letter (July, 1608), ex-
culpating him. He is officially praised in another letter
(p. 83) when going with important dispatches to England.
But I can find not a single letter from his hand, during all
this great and various public activity, though he signs, with
others, many State documents.4 Ultimately he was buried in

* p. 7 of the printed edition.

^ Year i, Jac. i., part 2 xiv.-xvi. These are followed up by new
grants in year 2 (xvi. and Ixvi,), and 5 (xxiii.) There is also a
surrender of parts in 16, part. 4, Ixx. The most interesting of these
grants is that of the Abbey of Kilmacrenan in Donegal, which he
obtained in 1603, but sold immediately to an adventurer, from whom the
Earl of Tyrconnel bought it, but had not paid the money when he fled to
Spain. In 1610 this abbey, counting as part of Tyrconnel's escheated lands,
passed to the College.

3 S. P., 1607, pp. 91, 397.

* Cf. on other Commissions and appointments, op. cit., pp. 46, 113.
He was an unsuccessful Candidate for the Provostship of Eton in 1624.
Cf. Spedding, Bacoti, vii. 407.

128 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Westminster Abbey, as we learn from the statement that
Archbishop Ussher was entombed with great pomp beside his
old schoolmaster, Fullerton, in the Abbey. While the arch-
bishop has no epitaph, the following can still be read over
Fullerton 's resting-place in S. Paul's Chapel (north ambulatory) :

Here lyes y^ Remnant of S' James Fullerton

Knight, first Gentlemen of y^ Bedchamber

to King Charles y® first, Prince and King

a gratious Rewarder of all Virtue, a severe Reproover of

all Vice ; a profest Renouncer of all Vanitie

He was

a firme Pillar to y^ Comonwealth, a faithful Patron to

y® Catholiq Church, a faire Pattern to y^ British Court

He lived

to y^ welfare of his Country ; to y^ Honour of

his Prince ; to y^ glory of His God

He dyed

Fuller of Faith than of Feares, Fuller of Resolucon

than of Paienes, Fuller of Honour than of Dayes.

Dr. Stubbs says in his History that he was sent as ambassador
to France. He was at Court in 1629, when the Fellows
prayed for his interference to preserve for them their
liberty of electing a Provost, and died in 1631. Though the
first large grant of the king to the College in his eighth year
does not mention Fullerton, the fact that the lands were
selected in the very counties of Munster, which he had
examined personally along with Crosbie, leads us to the sure
inference that to him this grant was due. It is clearly supple-
mental to that of Queen Elizabeth in Munster, and intended
to complete her benevolence.

The action of Hamilton, the younger man, comes later, and
is mainly concerned with the plantation of Ulster. During the
period of FuUerton's great official activity, he only appears as a
favoured recipient of large grants in the county of Down, quar-
relling with McDonnell and others about delimitations and
fishery rights. But the facts, as we know them, seem to

I

ALVEY (1601-9) 129

justify us in saying that if these two Scotchmen had not
been elected fellows, and become friends of the College, it
might have remained to the present day a poor foundation.

We are not informed of the years of their birth, but as
Hamilton (Viscount Clandeboye) lived till 1643, and FuUerton
till 1 63 1, they must have been in early middle life when
they managed the affairs of the College in the interregnum
between Travers and Alvey. It was they, together with James
Ware and James Carroll, both of whom had financial dealings
with the College for many years, who kept the inner life of
the House, so likely to degenerate into petty provincialism or
minute pedantry, in contact with the affairs of the outer
world.

Provost Alvey's renewed residence in 1603 was not
long; he again left from the beginning of June, 1604, to
June 13, 1605, and this time for the distinct reason that a
plague had broken out in Dublin, so seriously that the College
was for a time broken up. Alvey's natural home being still
in England, he is not necessarily to be blamed for this retirement,
seeing that Challoner, Ussher, and others, whose homes were in
Dublin, could watch the buildings and look to the safe keeping
of the House till this time of pestilence was over.

The causes of this plague are but too manifest. The long
war with Tyrone had only been finished (just like the recent
Boer War) by a system of blockhouses, and by destroying all the
food accessible to the Irish. Growing corn was cut with swords
by soldiers, and the cattle which could not be driven away
massacred. Those Irish writers who inveighed against Mount-
joy's cruelty should be reminded that a determined guerilla war
against a regular army, however superior, can only be stamped
out in this way. Even in this humane and sentimental age the
horrors of such a war are only diminished by the tenderer treat-
ment of the non-combatants — the wives and children of the
guerillas — and this change has brought with it, as we can see in
the instance just quoted, a great and costly prolongation of

K

130 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

hostilities and with it of suffering. However, this devastation
of the country and the "many dead lying in many places," bred
not only famine but pestilence, and the crowd of starving
creatures that wandered to Dublin to beg their bread carried
with them the infection.

Challoner was as usual the active man to seek a remedy for
this evil. The break up of the new College for such reasons
must be avoided in future, if possible, and accordingly he set to
work to obtain a site near the College and money to build a
Bridewell for the restraining of vagrants and beggars. We
may be sure that they would soon desist from camping on
Hoggen Green, when this house of correction threatened them
close by. The opening words of the petition ^ made to the
city on January 20, 1603, are explicit —

" Divers well-disposed persons, considering the multitude of
sundry sort of poor, many of them able bodied, and most resorting
out of the country, who to the great disgrace of this worshipful
city, and now the endangering of many by contagion, do abound
among us, do willingly resolve to bestow the building of a place for
a Bridewell, a house of labour and correction," &c.

And we know from Challoner's notebook that he acted as
treasurer and paymaster to the workmen who set up this house
upon the site granted by the Corporation. The petitioners'
names show how closely the matter affected the College.
They are Challoner, John King, James Ware ( College auditor),
and James Carroll. The fact that with the continuance of
peace, and the recovery of the country under King James's
enlightened rule, this Bridewell became useless and fell into
such decay, and that it was devoted to another purpose in 161 7,
shows clearly that its foundation was to meet a temporary
emergency, and to relieve a pressing evil. The plague in 1604
was severe enough to cause the closing of the College and the
flight of the Provost to England. That we may call it a
flight I infer from the fact that, owing to his hasty departure,
* M. R., D 9, and Gilbert, ii. 420.

ALVEY (1601-9) 131

the Matriculation book, wherein was set down " the Incorpor-
ation in the College, and the Matriculation in the University
of Students," is stated in the P. B. to have been lost. It must
have been under his care in the Provost's lodging. Unfortu-
nately this negligence was no solitary act in the early history of
the College. The early Matriculation books (before 1637)
are all lost.^^ This is the more regrettable as there are in the
Patent Rolls of James I. a large number of grants of Wardships
of boys of important families, many of them gentlemen of the
Pale, many others of great Irish houses, on condition of a fine,
a rent for the ward's lands, and, lastly, an allowance from this
rent of a yearly sum for the " maintenance and education of
the boy in the English religion and habits, and in Trinity
College, Dublin, from his twelfth to his eighteenth year." On
these conditions, for example, the son of Sir Donald 0*Cahan,
and the son of Sir Neale O'Donnell, the most eminent northern
chieftains remaining after the flight of the Earls, and both
imprisoned for suspected treason, were kept by Chichester at
Trinity College. The sums for these wards' maintenance are in
some proportion, but not a fixed one, to the fine and rent ; they
vary from a few shillings to ;^20 annually, and are so numerous
that if we could be sure the order was carried out we might
recover the names of many early undergraduates. But as
Carte tells us [Life of Ormond^ i. 43) there was great negligence
in watching the education of these wards, and many of them
were rescued from the good intentions of the king by the
Jesuits.2 The fact remains that it was now the policy to favour
the College, and that it received an increasing number of under-

^ From the account in the Particular Book (p. 29) of the receipts of the
Provost for Detriments, we can recover the names of some thirty-five
graduates and undergraduates resident in the College, i6o5'-6. But the
Christian names are in no case given, not even when three Pelhams and
three Kavanaghs, probably groups of brothers, are mentioned.

= An analysis of the names of these possible students and the allowances
made for them would be interesting, but would lead us too far from our
plan here.

132 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

graduates who were not elected scholars, and not maintained by
the House. The great variation in the maintenance seems to
prove that there was a variation in tutorial fees, and other
charges, and indeed the only fixed charge made by the College
was that entitled detriments. There is an account from the cook
in the M. R. (G. 2) which is dated May and June, but without
a year, which seems to come from Alvey's time, and if so gives
us the exact number of the Society. I date it in this time,
because the number of fellows in the House for four successive
weeks is only four, a number increased in Temple's time,
though occasional vacation weeks may show this very small
number. On the other hand the number of " schoUers of ye
house" is far too large for this period — 41 the first week and
32 during the remaining time. I account for this by supposing
that the cook included among the scholars of the House for his
purpose those scholarium commensales (so frequently entered in the
Matriculation book of 1637-41), whose commons were paid for
by patrons of the College. Thus " for Sir James Carroll's
scholar " is an entry we meet in the P. B. There are added
in each week 10 fellow commoners and 20 Pensioners, who
pay their weekly fees (detriments) through the cook, to whom
they paid their commons account. Each pensioner pays 2jd.,
each fellow commoner 4 Jd. per week. Thus the Society con-
sisted of about 70 members. We must, however, remember that
Bachelors were then an important class, for their education
proceeded regularly up to Master's standing. We also find in
the Bursar's accounts that he received money for the commons
of pensioners. Chamber rent is not mentioned. There were
such stringent rules against students " transcending the wall,
and sleeping in the town," that we may presume the practice
of allowing lads to live w*'.Ii their parents in Dublin and come in
daily to lectures had not arisen ; nevertheless it is noticed that
even earlier in the terrible gunpowder explosion of April, 1596,
which wrecked many houses on and about the quay where it
happened, a large number of students were killed. As Trinity

I

ALVEY (1601-9) 133

College had been granted the monopoly of University education
in Ireland, it is hard to conceive these youths as belonging to
any other establishment. The College records, such as we
have them, make no reference to the explosion or loss of
students, but these records are so scanty that the argument ex
silentio has here no weight.

There is indeed a strange dearth of details about the life
of the College during Alvey's Provostship. We only hear
bare facts such as his tenure of, and salary for, the Divinity
lecture in Christ Church, thus proving that he was a
recognised clergyman, which in the case of these Puritans
is often a matter of doubt. Some religious epigrams in Latin
elegiacs in a MS. volume in the Library are ascribed to him,
I know not on what authority ; for some in the book are
specified as Crashaw's. That his rule of the College was some-
what lax may be informed from the lists of exiits and rediits of
scholars for the years 1603, 1606, and 1608 preserved in the
Particular Book (pp. 207-10). In the first place the leave
granted is very long — often from December or January till
Easter, and so at other seasons. In the next place several
of the rediits are not till months after the date fixed by the exiit.
Thirdly, we do not find the ^^rmula usual in Temple's
time, a few years later, sub pcena amittendi discipulatum^ nor is
there any penalty mentioned for outstaying the date fixed for
return. The list in Temple's time produces a very different
impression. The fact that after Alvey's retirement, and sur-
vival for many years, he left his larger bequests not to the
College which chose him as a governor, but to St. John's
College, Cambridge, where he had been educated, shows that,
as in the case of Travers, he had not made himself at home
in Dublin. I When in residence he did his official duties

* One solitary item appears in the Bursar's account of 1647-8 (under
February 7), " Recei-ed for Mr. Alvey's College pott and salt which were
pawned, ;^io ; " an"^ it is one of the last of such items, as if the Society
had clung to this .olic till all the rest were gone.

134 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

without blame, but he has left no mark on the College, though
he once had been the head of a new party at St. John's
(Mullinger ii. 324).

In the absence of direct information we may argue from
analogy and infer that the life of undergraduates in the
College near Dublin was similar to that of the same class at
Oxford and Cambridge. A comparison of the salaries and
charges for commons, battels, or detriments shows that Dublin
was not then cheaper than the rest. ^ The very low prices of
dinners arise rather from the scarceness of money everywhere.
Twopence was a liberal price for a meal, and the fourpence
allowed for the Provost's commons a handsome allowance. 2
The confusion produced by Queen Elizabeth's issue of base
money for Ireland made sterling coin artificially valuable.
Hence the importance of sizings in the early life of Colleges.
This term, which is connected with assizes, in the sense of a
conclave (assidentes) to determine prices of food, &c., means
the provisions provided by the College at a regulated and whole-
sale price, just as many mediaeval towns in England regulated
by assizes the market price of victuals.3 Sizings were therefore
a privilege of students and other members of the College, saving
them from trouble and fraud in procuring their food. But
commons, being not only the chief meal of the day, but a
parade and proof of constant residence, was never included in
sizings. The sizarius (our sizar or the batteler at Oxford) was
(and is) a student who obtained his commons free and paid for

* But the evidence on this is conflicting. While there are many com-
plaints of the clearness of Dublin, a competent witness (Birchenshawe,
S. P., 1606, p. 2) notes that food was quite cheap. He says that fat beef is
a quarter, fat mutton half, and wheat half the English prices. A fat goose
costs 6d., a chick id., a hen 2d., and a pig 8d. Clothes seem very dear.

2 Thus when the Translators of the Bible at this time speak of the Good
Samaritan taking out twopence and giving them to the innkeeper for the
maintenance of the wounded man till his return, that sum did not sound
absurd if an absence of a couple of days is intended. A penny a day
is the usual allowance for all the food of a student outside his dinner,

^ Cf. on this question Mullinger ii. 374, sqq.

ALVEV (1601-9) 13s

sizings only. It being the duty of the sizars to attend at
the fellows' table, each fellow was entitled to nominate one,
the Provost four. Bedell defines subsizatores as those who
attended upon the scholars' or undergraduates' tables.

As regards the other expenses of students, it seems necessary
to assume that they brought with them what furniture was
thought necessary, for I can find no mention in the minute
outlays of these years of any furniture for rooms, except the
table in a tutor's account (p. 106), and the new bed and bed-
ding for Provost Temple, which was purchased on a grand
scale, costing the great sum of ;^5 8s. 2d. i But the analogy
of other Colleges shows that the amount required was small.
The fashion was for two or three students to live with
each fellow and sleep in his room on truckle beds. The
great room was then the sleeping-room ; if there were small
rooms attached they were used for separate studies. But this
was a luxury. 2 Firing and lighting were scarce and dear ;
the halls and the library were used by many students for
their work. Beds and chairs in their rooms may possibly have
been provided by each fellow for his immediate pupils. The
caution money or bond taken from parents or guardians at
matriculation implies that the student might possibly abscond
with College property more valuable than what he had brought.
William Kearney, the printer, was able (in 1595) not only to
leave the College clandestinely, but carry off his printing press,
benches, stools, &c., without the knowledge of the fellows.
No doubt the College was then sparsely inhabited, but we
must remember that if Provost Travers told Burghley there
was room in three sides of one small quadrangle (140 feet

^ P. B., p. 37. This means something like ;^5o nowadays.

» It appears from Bedell's Statutes {de Decani officio^ sub. fin.) that this
luxury had become general before 1628, for he there ordains that the Dean,
with two or three fellows, shall constantly visit the rooms of students
in the evening, shortly before bedtime, to see whether they are safe
within and what is the condition of their rooms. It is very remarkable
that in this ordinance there is no mention whatever of the tutors.

136 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

square inside) for 200 students and twenty fellows, he must have
assumed tightly-packed dormitories, with hardly any sitting-
rooms. Hence the importance of being allowed to work in the
Library, and the jealousy with which the right was conceded
to graduates only. It meant the use of a commodious study
to those who had only sleeping-places in a room with others.

Ireland was now in process of being restored from war and
devastation to comparative prosperity. The king had for the
first time in Anglo-Irish history declared formally that he
took the Irish under his royal protection and accorded them
the rights of subjects, which meant, theoretically, equality
with Englishmen, especially as persons in the eye of the law.
Nevertheless we find in the Patent Rolls of the reign that the
privilege was not granted for nothing, but was a source of
income to the parsimonious king. There are hundreds of
applicants for the declaration of the privilege by King's Letter,
upon payment of a fee. Still there must have been a gradual
growth of public confidence, especially after the lurking fear
of a new revolt, which must have brooded like a dark cloud
over the country so long as Tyrone and Tyrconnell were
there. Hence the vast public importance attached to the sud-
den " Flight of the Earls." Even then there were still sudden
alarms, which must have caused panics, such as the outbreak
of Sir Cahir O'Dogherty, a young chieftain who possessed
the education and polish of Tyrone, without his Jugurthine
patience and his wiles. There followed, of course, large
attainders and confiscations, and chieftains possibly innocent,
such as O'Cahan, were imprisoned on suspicion and their sons
handed over to English educators,

O'Cahan's son was ordered to Trinity College, but disap-
pears, unless the conjecture of Anon, were correct, that the
Cohonogh Dowin who was a scholar at this time was the
youth in question. Some of the circumstances fit well enough,
for he is censured ^ for various irregularities, and for making
' P. B., p. 222.

ALVEY (1601-9) 137

petitions to the State^ and punished with the loss of his scholar-
ship. This lad must therefore have been at all events the son ot
an Irish gentleman v/ho was suflfering under grievances from the
Government. The entry is worth reproducing verbatim : —

" The 23rd of May (1608) it was agreed by the whole companie
that Cohonnogh Dowin for divers grievous misdemeanours, partly by
examination, partly by his own confession convicted, is censured to
lose his scholarship, and to have a peremtorie admonition, that the
next time he is found guiltie of his former misdemeanours, either to
trouble the State by peticons, to deale for priests, or disregard the
governors of the house, be banished the same. And that one
Daniel, for some such like carriage, provide him a place in the
towne." *

But it can hardly be possible that Cohonnogh, or Conough
Dowin, Latinised into Conosius Dovinus in his exeats^ can be so
well known a person as the heir of O'Cahan.2 Moreover, Cono-
sius Dovinus entered before December, 1605, ^s we know from
the note of his tutor, Ambrose Ussher (appendix 11. to Chap.
II.), which is too early for the advent of young O'Cahan.

Along with many uneasinesses there were, however, rising
hopes of new grants from the king, whom Fullerton and
Hamilton were no doubt plying with petitions and arguments
not only in their own interests but in that of the College.

There are clear evidences, even before Alvey's resignation,
that the College was improving in its finances. In 1606 not
only were the rents in Munster, but large arrears, paid up. In
the quarterly accounts from this time to 1609 there is a
gradual rise in the number at the fellows* and scholars'
commons from an average of four and sixteen to nine and
twenty-seven, in some quarters even more.

These facts make it very difficult to understand why Alvey,

* This last was probably an O'Donnell, as we find the fellow, William
Daniell, when Archbishop of Tuam, also called O'Donnell.

» I find Coconaght {i.e., Hound of Connaught) a Christian name only
among the Maguires, and consider the youth to have been an O'Doyne,
also written O'Duin, with a Maguire mother.

138 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

who had many years of life before him, and who had weathered
the storm in Ireland, should have resigned when the sun of
prosperity at last rose upon the College. He went to England
again in 1608, and was concerned in the buying of books for
the Library ; the last quarter of his accounts in 1609 is no
longer in his hand, but in that of Sir James Ware, and we
might almost imagine that he resigned while in England and
never returned, for in the autumn of 1609 preparations were
already being made for the reception of his successor. But
there are two enigmatical entries in the Particular Book which
prove the reverse. There is an appointment made and signed
by him of Challoner as pro-Chancellor during his absence,
which he concludes : rediturus^ volente Deo. This entry is at
the top of the page, which contains matter of the year 161 1,
but is itself undated. At the top of the next page Challoner,
going to England, appoints in his place as pro-Chancellor
Charles Dufi, and this again, dated only May 5th, is over entries
of 1 61 2. Accordingly the historians have referred the two
entries to these years respectively, though it would be far
simpler to suppose them belonging to an earlier date, while
Alvey was still Provost. But this simpler solution is upset by
another entry fully dated, wherein Edmund Donnellan is
elected a fellow (p. 189). It is signed by W. Temple,
Provost, and attested, with their several signatures, by Henry
Alvey Procan, Thos. Lydyat, Ambrose Ussher, Anthony
Martin, John Egerton, Wm. Byrd, and Jonas Frith. The
date is June 3, 161 1. Alvey was therefore certainly in
Dublin and acting as Vice-Chancellor nearly two years after
Temple had succeeded him, and if the other entry quoted
dates from this year, he then intended to return. The matter
becomes still more complicated by another entry in the P.B.,
p. 222, wherein Challoner is Vice-Chancellor and Vice-Master
on January 29, 161 1. Neither Alvey nor Temple can have
been in residence at that moment. Temple, as we know
(P. B., p. 203b) was prosecuting the suit of the College for a

ALVEY (1601-9) 139

fixed pension at Court from June 20, 161 1, to March 20th
next ensuing.

These facts, which have hitherto been overlooked, afford an
important correction to the current accounts of Alvey both in
the histories of the College and elsew^here. But they also
increase the difficulty of accounting for his resignation. The
tide was indeed turning against the Puritans at Court on
account of King James's difficulties with the Scotch ministers,
but Alvey was not coerced to resign for this reason, seeing
that his successor. Temple, belonged avowedly to the same
party. The reasons for his departure will probably remain a
mystery, for his quiet and unobtrusive rule caused but little
remark, and he disappeared without any public comment. ^
Ussher kept him in memory, and hears about him from his
correspondent, Samuel Ward. But he lived in obscurity, for
even the recent diligent historian of S. John's College does not
think him worthy of mention, though he died in the College,
and bequeathed to it mementos of his affection.

The gradual growth of the College during his rule was due,
therefore, partly to the advent of peace, with a new sovran
of greater liberality to learning, partly also to the zeal and
efficiency of Challoner, Ussher, and their younger colleagues.
We also know from Ussher's correspondents that Alvey
joined him in the enlightened policy of inviting learned

* On the same page of the P. B, {213) occur the two resolutions appoint-
ing Alvey and his successor (1601, 1609). But the difference of the
language is perhaps significant. The first is in Latin : " Quod quum Mag.
Gualterus Travers nuper Collegio &c,, dignissimus praepositus esset,
eodemque munere per quinquennium fidelissime fungeretur." The second
in English : " That we that are fellows, lecturers, and M« doe approve
the admission and election of Mr. Temple upon the resignation of Mr.
Alvey." Yet the four principal names subscribed are the same in each.
The coldness of the second towards Alvey must therefore have some
significance. On page 6ob of P. B. there is the further enigma, " For
exceedinges after Mr. Alvey's departure, 2s. 6d." This modest outbreak
of festivity, if that be the meaning, points to some mild satisfaction in
the House at his departure ! Or else what docs it mean ?

I40. AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and pious men from Cambridge to settle and teach in Dublin
both as college dons and parish ministers. In addition to
Lydiat, mentioned already, we have Samuel Ward, of
Ipswich, afterwards persecuted most unjustly by Laud,
William Eyre, who actually came to Dublin, though he
did not stay, Pearson, above all Anthony Martin, recom-
mended specially by Eyre from Emmanuel College, who
came in 1608-9, ^^^ remained to be an ornament to the Col-
lege and the Church of Ireland. He plays a prominent part
thirty years later, as will appear in Chapter VII. It has often
been so in history — a body of undistinguished but zealous men
govern better than a set of lay-figures led by one man ot
ability. The growth of prosperity under Alvey was shown
by the increase of scholars and of fellows which we have
mentioned. It is also shown by the early inventories of plate
which are preserved in the Particular Book (pp. 202 sqq.).
The laudable fashion had begun of presenting a "silver
pott " or a *' boll," or a great piece of plate with the
donor's arms upon it. Either fellow commoners' parents
or fellows, or public men of literary taste, led this fashion.
There was a subscription for the bedell's staff, chiefly from
fellows and masters, of ^^ii 19s. 6d., then a considerable sum.i
Three sums of 50s., received from students, were devoted to
buying silver spoons, which cost ^^4 6s. 3d. per dozen.
Two salt-cellars cost ^^3 4s. 4d. The summary of college
plate at the end of Alvey's rule amounts to eight pots or
cups, nine bowls, and three salt-cellars, one of them a trencher
salt, and eighteen silver spoons. These gifts, and the names

* This mace was in the College, and in use, within the memory of the
late Provost Lloyd, therefore till at least 1824. A larger and handsomer
mace, dating from Queen Anne's time, then came into common use. This
latter is shown in the Book of Trinity College, and has been carefully
described in "Irish State and Civic Maces," &c., by J, R. Garstin (1898).
The older and more precious staff was left in the bedell's possession, was
forgotten, and disappeared. Possibly it may still be in the collection of
some lover of old Irish plate.

ALVEY (1601-9) 141

of distinguished men who made them, show that the College
was rising in estimation, and that at the fellows' table at least
there were the beginnings of refined living. ^

Perhaps the most interesting of the donors is Richard Latwar
(Latewar), D.D., who gave not only a faire silver pott but a
few books and MSS. to the library. This man, an eminent
scholar and composer of Latin verses, and a former fellow of S.
John's, Oxford, was taken by Lord Mountjoy from his living
at Finchley to be his chaplain of the forces in Ireland. He
seems to have been but too fit for this post ; for, advancing
eagerly into a skirmish near Benburb, in Co. Tyrone, in order
to see the engagement, he was struck by a bullet (July 17,
1 601) and died next day. This we have on the authority ot
Fynes Moryson, who was present in the campaign as Mount-
joy's secretary. 2

* Another excellent form of benevolence was the supporting of an
additional scholar, whom the donor nominated.

2 Itin., Part II. p. 114. His pater lugens erected a memorial slab to
him in the chapel of S, John's College, which is still extant, on the west
wall, beside the door ; but in his grief he has misstated both the year, the
day, and the circumstances of his son's death ! He dates it a.d. 1603,
July 27, and triduum after his wound. But the epitaph, not erected till
Mounjoy had been created Earl of Devonshire, is less trustworthy than
Moryson's contemporary journal. The epitaph further states that Latewar
was buried "in ecclesia aramathensi" (j.e., Ardmachensi), which leads us
to suspect that the stone-cutter had before him a text which he did not
read accurately. Still the graving both 2 and 3 where i should have been
before him seems hard to explain by any vagary of handwriting. Yet I
know texts of the period where i and 2 are very similar. The epitaph
is so little known that I will trespass on my space and save it from
oblivion : —

RicHARDo Latewar Londinensis hujus Collegii glim socio et
Academic Procuratori omnb^ humanioris Literature (presertim

POETICiE) DOTIBUS INSTRUCTISS° IN SACRA ThEOLOGIA D^' (dUM ILLUS-

TRiss, heroa D*' Mountjoy nunc Devonie Comitem in Hibernica
expeditione ad res sacras peragendas secutus est) ictu globuli
SAUcio, et post triduum immature sed piissime defOcto in
ecclesia Aramathensi sepulto Thomas Latewar pater lugens

ORBUSQ. FILIO CHARISSIMO HOC MONUMENTUM POSUIT. OBIIT JULII
27010 i5o3 ETATIS SUiE 41.

142 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The fact that this remarkable man, during his few months
of active service in Ireland, should have been a benefactor to
Trinity College not only shows a friendship, either old or
new, to have existed with some of the leading men, but that
the attention of Mountjoy, a very bookish man, must have
been turned to the College. The oration prepared for his
visit, already referred to, suggests the same conclusion.

Latwar's gift to the little library of the College leads us to
consider, in concluding the history of Alvey's time, the growth
of that department, which was indeed very notable. The
money secured by Sir James Carroll from the bills due to the
officers who had given them to the College in 1592 only
began to be realised in 1601. To judge from the extant
College accounts, it was not received from Carroll till some
years later, and then in small sums. Provost Alvey's receipts
up to June, 1605, show ;^244 from Carroll, and in 1607
^350, one sum of ^^ 300 paid in England "by Mr. Treasurer's
appointment." Carroll had so many intricate money trans-
actions with the College and the State that we cannot be
sure of our ground. But it seems more than likely that
these constant payments were from the soldiers' bills, and
intended for the Library. So far as the accounts can inform
us there was no outlay for the Library in 1605 beyond paying
for a catalogue. There is indeed one solitary document
(M. R., A ii.) written in 1632, and containing financial
matters about the repayment of old loans in copper, which
states that the declarant (whose name is not given) lent ;^ioo
in silver for the buying of books for the Library in 1603.
That this loan had some relation to the benefaction secured
by Carroll is probable, and the mention of silver suggests
that it was to be carried to England where the Irish cop-
per was not current. But I can find no further account of
the employment of this sum. The further fact that the first
considerable catalogue of books is entitled (though inaccurately)
the Catalogue of 1604 shows that there were then enough

ALVEY (1601-9) 143

books to make a new catalogue necessary. In 1608, at all
events, the buying of books was proceeding actively, for
this was the year in which Challoner, Ussher, and the
Provost were in England, and negotiating with booksellers
and printers. Hence it was during Alvey's time that the
future greatness of the Library was secured. In the many
papers of his successors there is little or nothing about it, so
that it is not too much to say that this noble feature in the
College was the result of individual zeal on the part of three
men at the right moment, and not of a general policy carried
on during the early decades of the life of the College.

Of the books gathered by these early collectors many still
remain, and will remain, upon the shelves as long as the
Library lasts. But of all literature which has become anti-
quated, none is more completely so than the fifteenth or
sixteenth century Commentaries upon the Scriptures or upon
the Fathers. From a modern point of view these books
are now absolutely worthless. The early collectors for our
Library did not purchase any incunabula^ any single specimen of
the splendid printing of the fifteenth century. There are now
many specimens of such books in the Library, as it were an
ancient aristocracy, from the time that scholars printed for
kings. But the first collectors neither valued these things
nor would they have thought it right to purchase them for
artistic and antiquarian reasons. The books of that time
are bound coarsely in brown calf, with black labels, the mere
working tools of scholars, teachers, preachers. The earliest
press marks are not on the back, but across the front of the
cut edges of the closed book. The earliest catalogue in the
P. B. dates from February, 1600 (our 1599), and contains no
more than forty volumes. The next has 1604 upon its front
page and is doubtless the work of Ambrose Ussher, the first
librarian, but there are many books in the list not printed till
after that date, so that our copy must have been written up
by a later hand. But here we have already a collection

144 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

of several thousand volumes. This in itself must have
made Trinity College a very different home for a scholar
from what it had been ten years before. Leading men
were beginning to send their sons to the College; Church
preferment was in immediate prospect, for the Primate and
the Archbishop of Dublin had been among the founders and
patrons. The first attempt to amalgamate the warring races
was received with acclamation and inspired radiant hopes.
The Jesuit counterplot seemed to be foiled, and excited no
fears in an observer so acute and experienced as Sir John Davis.
The veteran Challoner and the rising Ussher were ample
guarantees for the soundness of the teaching in the College.
Fullerton and Hamilton were its powerful advocates at Court.
The flight of the Earls had cleared the atmosphere of any
dangerous thundercloud of rebellion. The State Papers of the
day speak hopefully of the spread of order, of assizes held in
wild country where no English law had ever been enforced, of
a general feeling of peace and of security throughout the land.
Such was the state of Ireland when Temple was called to be
Provost of Trinity College.

CHAPTER IV

TEMPLE (1609-26)

If the reasons for Alvey's resignation be obscure, the particular
reasons for the selection of his successor are equally obscure.
Of his general qualifications there can be no question. Born
about 1555 of gentle parents, educated at Eton and at King's
College, in which he was elected a fellow in 1576, an M.A.
1 58 1, and presently incorporated at Oxford (as was then a
usual practice), he gained an early and deserved fame as a
teacher of the then fashionable Ramist logic, and published
several open letters defending Ramus against the onslaught of
the conservative Aristotelians.

It is now generally confessed that the Reformation in Logic
of Ramus, though but a partial revolt, was the spiritual fore-
runner of the more complete revolution in philosophy due to
Bacon, and constructed upon new lines by DesCartes.
Ramus, and with him Temple, were still encumbered with
the chains whose grip they had loosened, and so the new Provost
has his place in the philosophy of the day as the acute and
pugnacious supporter of a very partial, and therefore presently
antiquated. Reform. Nevertheless, it was a Reform, and as
such closely allied with Protestantism, and eagerly pursued by
Protestant divines. In 1584 Temple had published his edition
of Ramus' Dialectics with scholia — the first book (it is said)
of the Cambridge Press — and it became a popular text-book.
At that time he had gone down to Lincoln as master of the
i L 14s

146 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Grammar School, from which he dedicates his book to the
famous Sir Philip Sidney. In those days of student heroes
there was no more effectual recommendation to a great man
than learned authorship, even in the most abstract subjects.
But the special boast of the Ramists was that they had made
barren logic fruitful in applying it to all kinds of literature.
Sidney made Temple his private secretary, took him to
Flushing, and there died of his wound in Temple's arms,
leaving him a pension of ^30 a year as a mark of esteem.
His success in life seemed now assured. He was successively
private secretary to two high officials, and in 1594 even to
Essex, then the foremost man in England, who obtained for
him in 1597 a Parliamentary seat for Tamworth. The
biographers state that he accompanied Essex on his unfor-
tunate visit to Ireland in 1599. There is no evidence of
this in the now published State Papers, and a phrase in the
dedication to Cecil of a subsequent work (1611) implies that
he first visited Ireland when appointed Provost.^ In any case
the disgrace and treason of Essex involved all his adherents
in his fall, and it was with the greatest difficulty that
Temple escaped, saved, as he says in the same dedication,
periclitantem de capite fortuntsque omnibus^ by Cecil's favour.
He naturally, however, disappeared from public view, and
seeing his political career blighted, did not reappear till 1605,
when he published, with a dedication to the then very
popular Prince Henry, a logical analysis of twenty select
Psalms.

This book, which has now only an antiquarian interest, was
clearly intended to show that the logic of Ramus, applied to
the sacred text, affi^rded a clear and reasoned-out vade mecum
for the education and conduct of princes. It seemed also to
remind the world, that if he had abandoned or lost his pro-

^ Quod mihi ob oculos proponebam, postquani invisere Hibermam et
Duhliniensis Academice moderandce provinciam suscipere in am'mum
induxcram.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 147

fession of private secretary, he was still competent above other
men for a high post in the field of education.

All these reasons amply justify his appointment as Provost,
though I can find no trace of his doings from 1605 to 1609, or
his connection v^^ith any of the leading men of Trinity College,
to explain his selection. One biographer of James Ussher says
that Temple v/as invited and pressed to come by that vi^eighty
authority. I can find no evidence for this in Ussher's volu-
minous correspondence. The same biographer says the Pro-
vostship was at that time pressed upon Ussher by the fellows,
and declined by him. This seems to me rather the expression
of what the panegyrist thinks obvious, than any authorised
tradition. Ussher, with all his learning, shows throughout his
long life a singular inability for dealing with men. And of
course we may be certain that practical affairs were distaste-
ful to the man who lived with and loved books. Nor is it
likely that it was he who selected Temple. Ussher was
above all things a divine and a preacher ; he shows no
taste for logic whether Aristotelian or Ramist. If he had
made the selection he would certainly have chosen an Evan-
gelical divine such as Mede or Sibbes, who were afterwards
solicited for the post. The well-informed Mr. Urwick says
it was by the " importunate solicitation " of Challoner and
Ussher that Temple came ; I have not found the original of
this expression. In Temple's second paper, defending himself
from wearing a surplice, he says that he came over and brought
his wife and children at great expense, owing to the " protesta-
tion " of Dr. Challoner that the Provost was a mere civil officer.
This is an opinion so unlike what we know of Challoner,
that he must have had very strong reasons for encouraging
Temple. But even this does not prove that Challoner
selected him. At the end of his protest against the surplice
in Chapel, he says, when enumerating his literary and official
claims to consideration, " by particular services done to the
king before his coming into England." The crowd of people

148 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

that curried favour with the king on these grounds was probably
very great, and must have required some additional influence
to make the suit effective.

This influence came from some independent source. Cecil,
according to Temple's own statement, only approved of the
nomination after it was made. The men most likely to have
made it seem to me to have been Fullerton and Hamilton,
now risen into favour at Court on the same ground that
Temple alleges, but still deeply interested in the affairs of the
College for which they worked in Ireland. Both of them had
been pupils of Andrew Melvill, and he was an ardent pro-
moter of the new Protestant Logic in Scotland. This science
has from the outset been a leading study in Dublin — three
of its Provosts have published text-books of Logic — and it may
have owed its first importance to the close association of
Ramus with Protestantism. There is every probability that
the two Scotchmen were anxious to promote in Ireland the
science in which they had been trained in Scotland, and
therefore that they pressed the appointment of the man now
confessed to be the leading Ramist in England. Though not
a theologian, his recent work showed that he could apply his
logic to Divinity. His earlier publications exhibit a wide
knowledge of ancient languages and literature. He was as
eager to expound the poetry of Homer as the piety of David
through the medium of his universal method. So, perhaps by
the influence of all the men suggested, rather than by any one
of them, he attained to a post which was now growing in
emolument and importance.

All the biographers have stated that he was made a Master
in Chancery, which would have supplemented his income by
j^26 13s. 4d. per annum. The Liber Munerum Hiherniee gives
his appointment and patent under date January 13 and 31,
1609, and his successor's appointment in January, 1626.^

* In the State Papers of 161 1 (p. 112), where there is a comparison of
the salaries, &c., of the Law officers at the king's accession and his ninth

TEMPLE (1609-26) 149

In all the Provosts' correspondence there is no allusion what-
ever to his holding the office. Being, however, a layman (and
the first lay Provost) he could not hold the theological lecture
at Christ Church, which then formed a considerable part of the
Provost's salary, viz., ^\0.

We may presume that he undertook the care of pupils. The
Provost's right to apportion pupils to what tutors he chose — a
right which led to bitter conflicts between Tutors and subse-
quent Provosts — implies that he could assign them to himself,
and this the Matriculation book confirms. And this source of
income may have been considerable even in these early days. It
seems likely that when the sons of great lords were sent to the
College the Provost was expected to take charge of them. His
statement that he brought over his wife and children creates,
however, some difficulty. For we do not hear of his having any
extern residence. The fact that several of Challoner's children
were buried in the College ^ seems to show that even he was
allowed to live as a married man within the walls, and if so
Temple may have kept his family in the Provost's lodgings.
Perhaps the allowance made for his Commons means that he
did not dine in Hall. But alas ! on all these interesting
details we are reduced to mere conjecture. Still it is worth
raising these questions, as they will suggest to some future
inquirer, with fuller evidence, to find their answers.

From this time onward Temple's life was filled with
administrative duties, and his latest publication, though dated
161 1, may here be mentioned as the dying echo of his literary
work. It is an exposition in Latin of the first thirty Psalms,
dedicated in a somewhat fulsome language to his Chancellor,
Robert Cecil, wherepf the title-page names the author as
Provost. It is the same application of Ramist logic to theology,
as in his former " twenty select Psalms," and gives us a clear

year, there occurs among the Masters in Chancery, William Temple, in
office 1602. This, of course, must be wrong.
* Concerning a birth in the College cf, below, p. 298,

ISO AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

insight into the character of his teaching, if he did still teach, in
Dublin. Public lectures he probably did not give as Provost,
but if he had pupils in his chamber he must have taught them
daily, and he must further have stimulated Ramist teaching in
the public classes of the College. This, his last book, was
printed, and daintily printed, in London, for though there was
printing in Dublin, we find from Mr. Dix's Catalogue that,
except the Prayer Book and the New Testament of William
Daniell, nothing but official proclamations, and the like, were
as yet produced from the local press. Otherwise we should
have expected a cheap reprint of his edition of Ramus for the
use of the students. However, there is not a copy of this book
even in our great Library, where early editions and commen-
taries on the Dialectic abound. Many of his other publications
are also wanting, so that we may infer the absence in him of
any ambition to leave the literary outcome of his life on record
in the College. His wide classical knowledge, shown by the
wealth of references and allusions in his early writings, suggests
that he possessed many books, but this was quite general
among the men of that bookish age. From henceforth this
chapter of his history is finished, and we have to do with him
merely as a shrewd man of business.

The Particular Book preserves Sir J. Ware's brief of the
financial state of the College when the new Provost took the
reins in December, 1609. Imprimis there was in the College
trunk ;^ 1 37 1 3s. 1 1 d. in ready money, no inconsiderable sum
if we consider the scarcity of coin at that time. There were
also due various sums from the Crown, from middlemen like
Ware and Carroll, and arrears from local tenants, bringing the
"sperata" assets up to ^1,209 19s. 4d. The College was there-
fore now a solvent concern, and, moreover, there was every
prospect of " increased entertainment from His Majesty," for
the plantation of Ulster was in the air, and the learned king
was sure to provide for the Established Church and the
University.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 151

He was already securing an increase of students to the
College by the above-mentioned clause introduced into his
sales of Wardships, and if the boy of twelve came up unfit to
follow College lectures, there was a College schoolmaster (at
that time one Woodward) provided, who took the place of the
private coach or grinder nowadays, preparing backward boys
for matriculation.!

For higher education the provisions were now ample. By
the labours of Challoner and James Ussher an adequate library
had been provided ; it had been catalogued and set in order by
Ambrose Ussher and Sir Egerton (afterwards a fellow) ; the
accounts of 1608-9 show constant items for additional tables,
benches, and partitions to secure the safety of the books, and
the convenience of readers.

The same pages tell us that the statutes, by which the
fellows then governed the College, which were resolutions of
their own, were written out in a faire copy. This, and the
stately bed and bedding bought for the new Provost, seem to
be the only preparations announcing that his advent was
expected.

The teaching staff, whether fellows or lecturers, seems to
have amounted to at least ten, for so many dined in 1609 at
the fellows' table ; the scholars' table had risen to twenty-
seven, and there are items in the accounts (p. 36) for new
tables, additional table-cloths, new forms, which show that the
numbers at commons had considerably increased. We know
that there was now a fellows' table, a bachelors' table, a
scholars' table, and a pensioners' table. The lower tables
were served with trenchers, leathern jacks, and pewter cups.
The fellows had already silver plate. At the same time the
teaching staff had been increased by the importation, at
Ussher's instance, of Thomas Lydiat, a very learned but not
very successful chronographer, who came with the prospect of

^ There is a note in the P. B. (215 b) specifying the date from which the
matriculation of some of these boys was to be determined.

152 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

promotion to the school now rising at Armagh, but who was
disappointed, and returned in a couple of years to England.
His controversies with the great Scaliger, from which he
emerged not without credit, show that he was a very con-
siderable scholar. He was one of the earliest commentators on
the famous Arundel Marbles.

Notwithstanding all this enlargement, the diet of the
members of the Society seems to us worked on a modest
scale. The allowance for this Provost's commons upon his
arrival was about 4jd. per diem. The very first page he has
written in the Particular Book^ after his mere acknowledgment
of responsibility for the ready money in the chest, is a note ot
the daily cost of diet for the fellows and scholars.

It is worth adding that from this point the book, in which
Temple for years made careful entries, is very comfortable
to read owing to his clear and elegant Italic hand. It
was the moment when the new handwriting was wrestling
for supremacy with the old in consequence of the victory of
the new Italic type over the old black-letter in printing.
Travers, Alvey, Sir James Ware write the old difficult hand,
which the Germans have perpetuated to their loss till the
present day. Ussher, except in his early College notes, writes
like Temple, a beautiful and clear modern hand. Challoner
hesitates between the two. But Temple and Ussher are
consistent, and write far better than even most of their
successors, such as Bedell, who uses a sort of compromise. It
is easy to see that there was then just such a conflict as has
been going on recently in Germany between the advocates of
the national and the European alphabets. Shakspere, for
example, signs in the old script, which is regarded by those
who are not versed in this question as evidence that he wrote
with difficulty. If a document of any length is ever found in
his hand, it will probably show an easy use of the modern
script. This digression is therefore not without interest as
regards the culture of the period.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 153

The document referred to is as follows [ob = Jd.] :
What is allowed for Diet to each Fellow and Scholler.

Each Fellow is allowed for his diet weekly out

of the kitchin i6d. ob

Each Fellow is allowed in bread every meale

an ob, and so for every day a id., and so ^ 3s. 3d.

for every weeke yd.

Each Fellow is allowed to zize every weeke ... 8d. ob

Each Fellow is allowed for beere every weeke yd.

Each scholler is allowed for his diet weekly out \

of the kitchin lod. ob

Each scholler is allowed in bread every meale
an ob, every day a penny, and so every
weeke yd. )■ 25d.

Each scholler is allowed in beere every meale
a quart, for every day an ob, and so for
every weeke 3d. ob

Each scholler allowed to zize every week ... 4d.

Each Fellow comoner payeth weekly for

detrimets 4d. ob since 6d.

Each Pensioner payeth weekly for detrimets 2d. ob since [blank]

The Butler payeth weekly out of his gaynes 2s. 6d.

The new Provost here omits the gains from the kitchen
paid in by the cook, which appear regularly in the older and
in his own subsequent accounts, and amount to from four to
seven shillings per week. One cause of this profit was cer-
tainly the habit of punishing students by excluding them from
their dinner. From his allusion to two stated meals daily, it
would appear that the sizings were additional food (for supper)
which the student obtained at the cheap College rate to
supplement the bread and beer in the above description.

There is in one of Challoner's notebooks ^ a specification
of what food was thought reasonable to provide for this

» I cannot find the original. Stubbs refers to MS.D, I, 9 in the Library,
but it is not there.

154 ^N EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

tariff.^ The prices set down by Temple agree perfectly with
the quarterly accounts of Alvey already often cited. Nor does
the new Provost seem to have proposed any alteration till the
king's munificence had produced, in 1613, a considerable and
certain increase in the College income.^

The number and nature of the gifts to the College from the
king — Jacoho ejusdem mun'ificentissimo auctore^ as the grace after
meat still proclaims — have never yet been set down in
order, though his letters patent and grants are all in the
Patent Rolls long since catalogued. The first grant is in no
way connected with Ulster, but is a grant to James Ware, as
trustee for the Provost, fellows, and scholars of various town-
ands (named) in Tipperary, Waterford, Kerry and Desmond,
and Longford, either the estates of attainted men or of sup-
pressed religious houses, such as Connall (in Kildare) and

* Stubbs, p. 41 : " The Colledge revenew of £400 st. per ann. will
mayntayne yearly : — A Provost havinge a good diet dayley as after
apeares £6 and ^^44 yearly.

" Ten Fellovves havinge a good diet dayley and ;;^io yearly ; forty
Scolers having a good diet and 20s. yearly. The diet must be £iZ2> 6s. 8d.
for which wee are to receive victuals at prices : —

*' A mutton alive with the wool at 26Jd. the pece, 320 a-year.
" A befe large and fatt alive at i6s. the pece, . 54.
" Corne at 5s. the peck, market mesure . . 200 pecks.
" half whete and bear malt ; half ote malt

" A Fellowes diet shall be 6 ounces of Manchet a mele, a pint and halfe
of good bear the pece, three quarts in the mess [of four], and a sholder of
mutton, and at night a good pece of beath * and porage, more than they
can ete, enowe for ech, the bread [beare] a farthyng, of mutton 2d., befe
2d., and the heth [they had] a Second . . . they have £^ a-year a mess
bestd, for the former make but £4.

"The Scolers diet is 6 ounces of good cheet \i.e., second sort of
wheaten] bread for ech, pint of ber the pece, pottell a mess, a joynt of
mutton at supper a mess — and a good pece of befe at dinner at 12 peces in
the quarter."

2 The numbers dining at the fellows' and scholars' tables are higher in
his first quarter {9 and 30) than they are for two years to come ; in 1612
they sometimes reach 9 and (but rarely) 34.

* Stubbs adds a note from Hallewell's Dictionary on this word, which
is probably here misread for beafc.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 155

S. Peter de Rabio (in Longford), at a total Crown rent ot
^7 17s. 8d., "to hold for ever as of the Castle of Dublin, in
common soccage." It is dated March 8th, in the king's eighth
year, and is confirmed (secondly) by letters patent in his
ninth year, also making a new grant of "such lands as the
said Provost, fellows, and scholars now hold," thus confirming
the gift of Queen Elizabeth in 1599.^ It is easy to see in
this grant the influence of Fullerton. We have already noted
(p. 125) that he had investigated lands in Munster. This grant
has never, so far as I know, been noticed, though it shows that
the king was intent upon enriching the College before his
Ulster plantation. The third grant is dated August 29th,
year eight, and gives to the College the three great estates
of Toaghy in Armagh, Slutmulrooney in Fermanagh, and
Kilmacrenan in Donegal, together with the advowsons of
nineteen livings in Fermanagh, Tyrone, Derry, and Donegal.*
A letter from Fullerton 3 shows that he had been working
in the interest of the College, and had secured for it about
20,000 acres of the best land in the north. The peculiar
advantage permitted in the case of this and the Bishops'
estates was that they are not required to disturb the native
population already there settled, but allowed to give them
leases, if they would pay a moderate head rent — an admirable
security for these poor people, when their neighbours were
being " expulsed " and transported to other and worse
lands. If the College, as was usually the case, leased a
large portion to a middleman, it was on the condition of
his not disturbing the existing husbandmen. The fourth 4
is the large grant of chantry lands in DubHn, loth of April, in
his tenth year, which was the last great effort made by

^ Cf. Patent Rolls, pp. 173 {his) and 200, and S. P., 1610, p. 19, for
details.

2 It is noteworthy that no text of this great patent was ever enrolled in
Ireland, nor was there any in the College M. R. till I recently procured a
certified copy from the Record Office in London.

3 Given by Amn..^ p. 149. * Ibid., p. 222

156 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Challoner for his beloved College. He made out a list of
fifty-one holdings, small and great, in and about the city,
which were escheated to the Crown by an Irish replica of the
act of Edward VI., resuming these lands, bequeathed by dying
Roman Catholics (as they now constantly bequeath money) to
have masses said for their souls.^

The fifth is a small supplementary grant (21st of May, tenth
year) of lands in Limerick and Kerry, the former property of
Connor O'Connor, John Wolfe, and Devin McMorough, of
Ballyknockane, attainted, with a head rent of 19s. 4d.

The sixth and seventh are the making perpetual ot the
yearly subsidy from the Crown of ;^388 15s., for which
Temple went to England, and was long a suitor at Court, and
for which he received liberal grants and rewards from the
grateful College.^ They are dated 12th February in the ninth
and 22nd August in the king's tenth year.3 The eighth, dated
1 2th May, in his eleventh year, is the patent giving the
College power to elect burgesses and send them to Parliament.
The ninth (year 13) is a letter empowering the College
to plant the Ulster estates with the privileges granted to
bishops.4 The remaining two, which are not new grants

* This great and valuable gift (one item was 80 acres at Kilmainham),
for which the College paid a rent of ;^22 i6s, 7d., was surrendered in
1629. Entries about it in P. B. are on pp. 63 b, loi ; a petition to be quit
of arrears was made in 1628. This entry (171 a) shows an honest effort on
the part of the College to realise the chantry lands, for it offers to pay
to Mr. Garret Dillon a sixth part and three tenements of his choice out
of whatever chantry lands the College shall recover by his direction. The
text of the letter resigning (on April 15th, 1629) is given by Anon., p. 174,
and is there said to be among the College records.

"" This grant in perpetuity, known as the Concordatum Fund, was
enjoyed by the College till the reign of Queen Victoria, when Govern-
ment, by very undue pressure, compelled the College to relinquish it in
return for some electoral privileges. This injury, and the abolition of the
celibacy clause in the fellowship oath, are the two items of " diminished
entertainment" for which that reign is marked in the history of the
College.

3 Patent Rolls, p. 229. * Cf. above, p. 155.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 157

but modifications or changes of tenure in these estates, do not
concern us at present. ^ Thus we see that during three years,
roughly 16 10-13, *^^ king was showering favours on the
College, and changing it from the poor and struggling foun-
dation of Elizabeth into a wealthy corporation.

This large endowment was no isolated act of policy, no
mere hobby of a pedant king, but part of a large measure
which marks James I. as the sovran who has left the greatest
impress upon Ireland of all English kings, from Henry II. to
the present day. However severe may be the judgment of
historians upon his policy in Scotland or towards Spain, there
can be no doubt that almost all the real prosperity of Ireland
dates from his plantation of Ulster, from his introducing on a
larger scale that mixture of English and Scotch with Irish
blood which has proved itself, from James Ussher and George
Berkeley down to Arthur Wellesley and John Nicholson, the
very elixir of the Empire's life. Earlier plantations in Leinster
and Munster, not to speak of the old settlers in the sea-coast
cities, had already produced some of this admirable blend ;
the wild stock of the mere Irish had been grafted, here and
there, with nobler wood, but all these sporadic attempts are as
nothing compared with the transformation produced by King
James.

The reader will remember that twenty years earlier
Elizabeth had taken similar advantage of the attainder of
Desmond (who was in Munster what Tyrone was in Ulster)
to plant undertakers and groups of English farmers and
mechanics across the south from Youghal to Tralee. But
this plantation was only ten years old when it was swept out
by the appearance of Tyrone in the south, and though a certain
number of the undertakers recovered their estates, and their
descendants hold them to this day, the great body of the
English, middle and working classes disappeared from Munster
for ever. Indeed there is ample evidence in the State Papers
* Cf. ibid., pp. 410-11.

158 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

of the time (1588-98) that even without the rebellion the
enterprise was sickening for want of earnestness in the under-
takers, and from the pressure of the surrounding natives upon
a small population of settlers. The correspondence of men like
Sir WiUiam Herbert, quoted in a previous chapter, shows clearly
that the problem of planting Ireland with civilised English was
not solved by Elizabeth and her statesmen. Her sporadic
attempts to settle the north by means of adventurers — the
elder Essex, Chatterton, Sir Thomas Smith, and others — had
failed even more disastrously.

The great queen's failure is brought into clear light by the
success of King James. No doubt the contrast arose mainly
from peculiar historic causes, which had come into play in the
north. But these causes would have produced little effect
but for the enlightened policy of the king. We need
but recapitulate the altered situation. ^ Long before either
plantation the Scots had begun to filter into the north of
Ireland as mercenaries, workmen, settlers. These people
(unless when hired as mercenaries) had sided with Tyrone
against Queen Elizabeth, but when King James succeeded,
and Tyrone had submitted, they hailed with satisfaction
the Scottish king on the English throne. When he came
to invite settlers for his new plantation, he in the first place
passed by Down and Antrim, where the principal Scots
dwelt, though he might have included most of that land in
his attainders. In the second place he invited not only
English but many lowland Scotch to settle in the five adjoining
counties. The settlers therefore did not come, as they did in
Munster, to dwell among a wholly alien population ; they had
near them many old and established homesteads of kindred
race. If any of the first grantees hastened to sell his land it
was bought or leased not surreptitiously by an Irish native,
but openly by an earlier Scotch settler.

These and other favourable causes also induced a much larger
* Above, Chap. L

TEMPLE (1609-26) 159

immigration than Elizabeth had been able to promote, and so
the new population got a hold upon the five counties, which
changed the aspect of them in a few years. Our evidence on
this is full and conclusive. For the first time towns arose in
the province of Ulster. For the first time mills and looms
spread the sounds of industry through the country. ^ In thirty
years Ulster was civilised, and how thoroughly appears from
the following consideration. At the end of this period of
prosperity the same calamity befel this plantation which had
befallen Elizabeth's when it was only ten years old. As the
Munster undertakers had been driven out with fire and sword
by the Roman Catholic natives of Cork and Kerry, so the Ulster
planters were set upon by the Roman Catholic natives of the
north. There was horrible massacre and devastation. Never-
theless the towns held out ; many single forts resisted, and
when the rebels were defeated the remaining members of
the fugitive families returned and resumed their civilised life.
Many families in the north now trace their descent from the
solitary survivor of a household in the massacre of 1641. But
that survivor would not have persisted, unless he had felt that
Ireland, not England or Scotland, was his home.

One more vital point must be urged to show the greater
enlightenment of King James's Irish policy. He has been
accused of giving the native Irish but a scanty allowance in
his division^ of their lands. That was the fault of his adminis-
trators, as Chichester earnestly complained. But it can be
urged on the other side that he made more allowance for them,

^ It is a mistake to give Strafford credit for having created the linen
industry of the north. The country was known even before the planta-
tion as very favourable for the growth of flax and as producing excellent
yarn. This was pointed out as early as 1609 (S. P., suh anno, p. 208) to
the London merchants as one of the *' commodities " which made a settle-
ment in Derry promising. And these merchants secured at the outset the
monopoly of exporting yarn and linen from their ports.

=" The figures given for the whole plantation (S. P., i6io, p. 581) are :
Scotch and English undertakers 123 (and with far the largest individual
grants), servitors 41, natives 63.

i6o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and gave them better terms, than any predecessor had dreamt
of conceding them. And these details are as nothing com-
pared to the new principle asserted by him, that he took
the whole Irish race under his royal protection as his subjects.
The effect of this great act in civilising the Irish, in raising
their self-respect, and in protecting them from outrage, can
hardly be over-estimated.

It was part of this great scheme to give the College a share
in the plantation, to endow it together with the Church as
the agent of higher civilisation, and to make it known to both
natives and planters not only as a school of science and letters,
but as the patron of livings, which sent learned ministers
to live and preach among the people. The Puritan education
of these divines made them from the beginning acceptable to
the Scotch settlers in Ulster, and it is more than likely that
the majority of the English planters were of the same theo-
logical temper. Thus the traditions of the College agreed
with the spiritual wants of the people to whom it ministered.

From these large considerations we now return to the
details of our history. The first matter to which Temple
turned his attention was the establishing of definite College
statutes. It is, of course, a mistake to say that there were
none before his day. The extant rules were copied out
for him before his arrival. In the March following there is
a new item : " to Mr. But for writing out the statutes,"
and that this was a code amended or altered in some
respects appears from the declaration made and signed as
below :^ The Provost's salary was not increased by this act

* " It is agreed, March 9, 1610 [O. S.] by the Provost and fellows whose
names are hereto subscribed, that they all shall firmly join together in
the maintenance of the Charter of the College, the Statutes of the same,
the election of the new Provost, and all other things concerning the good
of the said College. It is agreed also, the day and year above remembered,
by the Provost and fellows aforesaid, that the new Provost shall from the
time of his admission to the Provostship have and receive the yearly
allowance of ;^ioo st. of current money in England entirely for his

TEMPLE (1609-26) 161

unless it be by specifying sterling money, and by making it the
first charge on the College property, for Alvey had received
nominally the same sum. But the statutes were doubtless
modified, and the clause about maintaining the Charter shows
that the policy of granting a new Charter, with separation of
the College from the University, must already have been in the
air. It will interest those to whom old College statutes are a
curiosity, that the book (or rather loose sheets sewed together)
of Temple's Statutes existed among the College documents
till comparatively recent times. Now we have only the
chapters from v. onward, which relate not to the College
but to the University, each decree of which is signed in
the margin by the Provost and four Senior Fellows. These
ordinances are practically the Regulce JJniverntatis ever since in
force, for the University of Dublin as such has never obtained
a Charter. But Hely Hutchinson had an earlier part before
him, though he does not feel certain that it was the final
redaction of it, because these earlier chapters were not
numbered. He also notes that in Temple's own recital of
the laws he had passed for the good of the College there was
a statute respecting elections and one on the reformation ot
manners, which every recent search had failed to find.
These he supposes to have been the first chapter (though they
probably were quite distinct). The second in point of order
concerned the use of the surplice, and is highly interesting, even
in his second-hand report. This statute recited the use of the
surplice to be ancient, but that it was perverted for many ages
by the Papists and pretended Catholics to many superstitious
purposes. The fellows express their aversion to this supersti-
tious use ; but cheerfully admit the use of it as received in the
English church, especially as it has been enjoined by the
authority of their most excellent prince ; but its use is con-
fee, to be first paid out of such receipts as do come into the College out of
any grants, rents, lands, or otherwise. Signed, William Temple, Ambrose
Ussher, Anth. Martin, John Egerton, Th. Pillin, W. Byrd " (M. R., C 16, c).

M

i62 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

fined to such Masters and Bachelors of Arts as are admitted
or to be admitted into Holy Orders, and to others supported
at the expense of the College. It is to be used on holy days
at Morning Prayer, and the observance is enforced by the usual
small pecuniary fines, increased on repetition of the offence.
Hutchinson justly comments on the equivocal character of this
statute as show^ing but an unwilling submission to the king and
the Chancellor. The third chapter provided that all Masters
of Arts not occupied with law or medicine shall preach
constantly in Christ Church or some parish church in Dublin,
under heavy penalties.^ Thus the residence of clerical Masters
in the College is taken for granted. Then followed a chapter
on the number, salaries, &c., of scholars and fellows, and also
concerning the expenses of the Society. All this we know
from other contemporary documents. Then came two
statutes whose loss is grievous to us ; one against the use of
tobacco ; the other concerning the servants to be allowed in
the College. On these Hutchinson gives us no detail. 2 I
cannot but think that the College authorities stole a march
upon the advocates of a new Charter by obtaining in May,
161 3, letters patent empowering the College, quum sit atque
habeatur Universitas^ to send two representatives to Parliament.
Thus the University powers of Trinity College were
formally acknowledged, though the sherifis of the city claimed
the right of acting as returning officers, against which the
College formally protested. But seeing that the members
selected were the Provost and the V ice-Chancellor (Dr.
Charles Dun) it is difficult to understand what returning
officer they proposed to have for their elections.

But this set of rules is no Charter ; and the University, having
no incorporation or seal, can only be considered as a par-
ticular aspect of Trinity College. The seal of the College
was then, and is now, affixed to all University documents such as

* This provision appears in both Bedell's and Laud's Statutes.
» Hely Hutchinson's MS., p. 170.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 163

the Testimoniums for degrees ; these documents are not signed
by the Vice-Chan cellor and Proctors, but by the Provost and
Senior Fellows, and the University seal, granted in 1851, is a
mere curiosity. The Caput of the Congregation of Doctors
and Masters consisted in those days of the Vice-Chancellor and
the Provost, for all candidates were required to visit and
supplicate the Masters in their Regent House before the con-
ferring of a degree. This is the preliminary which seems to
have been transformed into the present practice of giving the
Senior Master Non-Regent a place and veto in the Caput.
The moment and reason for this change are mentioned in no
document known to me. The printed statutes of 1728
already mention this Caput of three.

Turning to the proper College statutes, we find Temple's
influence not less dominant. The increase of fellows and
scholars from the old four and twenty-eight to sixteen and
seventy was no sign of better management, as Dr. Stubbs and
others have said ; it was the direct effect of the large endow-
ments of King James. But within each body Temple in-
troduced momentous distinctions. He first separated Senior
from Junior fellows, and took from the latter, as mere
probationers, the right of legislating for the College. He
made the distinction of natives, with special privileges, from
the other scholars, thus carrying out the policy of the
king, who was determined that the Irish should have the
principal benefit of the foundation. We shall come presently
to a most remarkable open letter of King James to the
Church and University,^ censuring their neglect of the
mere Irish, and showing that the royal protection had been
extended to the natives in all sincerity. The distinction of
fellows into Senior and Junior, regarding the latter as mere
probationers, the former as the Governors of the College,
has dominated its history from that day till now. The
principle was adopted, Temple tells us, from some of the
* Below p. 181.

i64 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Cambridge Colleges, and was natural enough, when youths
were elected to fellowships not only before their A.M.,
but even their A.B. degree. With the celibacy statute
enforced, and the many avenues of promotion then open,
Senior Fellows were men of only seven or eight years' standing,
and it was surely desirable that the Governors of the House
should have some experience. It might further be urged that
when the number of fellows was increased to sixteen, nay
even in later times to twenty-eight, such a body of Governors
would be unwieldy, and unfit to act with promptness and
consistency. But the course of history has disclosed the
unsoundness of the statute. The increasing wealth and com-
fort inside the College, and the competition in the learned
professions, not to speak of the recent relaxation regarding
celibacy, have naturally made the tenure of fellowships in most
cases a life-tenure, so that the governing body consists generally
of very old men. Had Temple been told that his innovation
would result in men of thirty years' standing having no
determining voice or vote in the government of the College,
he would have recoiled from it with amazement. It would
have been easy at the outset to make the Governors a
committee of the fellows, elected for their efficiency rather
than their seniority, seeing that seniority could hardly lose
its due importance in a body of educated men. But all
these difficulties were still in the womb of futurity, and
Temple seems even to have established a second election
for proper fellowship, after the first election of a probationer,
for we have the very curious pair of entries in the P. B.,
p. 189, that Edmund Donellan being first elected on June 2,
161 1, had according to an oath he then made, resigned on
August 1 8th, in the following year, when he was re-elected,
August 19th. But Hely Hutchinson tells us, I know not on
what evidence, that Donellan obtained a Church living, when
he was bound to resign, according to the statutes which he had
sworn to obey j and that he was forthwith re-elected by an

TEMPLE (1609-26) 165

evasion which was not against the letter, though against the
spirit, of the statute. Bedell, in his Statutes, has a probation of
two months, and then a confirmatory election. Possibly the
Charters caused some difficulty in making a second election of
an elected person, and hence he was required to stipulate that
he would formally resign, so as to leave the electors free to
confirm their choice. This is the only explanation I can offer
for this curious formality, unless it be that the preparation of
new statutes was in progress, and it was thought unwise to
have a permanent new fellow until the changes were complete.
Unfortunately the dry facts of the P. B. are rarely supplemented
by any explanation.

Conflicts about the powers of the Provost, and of the self
chosen Senior Fellows, as against the whole body, were frequent,
and fill the pages of the College histories to the exclusion of
more important topics. The general lines of Temple's theory
were ultimately adopted by Laud and Strafford, and were the
basis, through Bedell's version, of the Caroline Statutes which
still rule the College.

Next to the question of this government ot the College,
came ^hat of the indefinite relations of College and University.
Let us recapitulate the facts already mentioned. Queen
EHzabeth had founded the College as the mother of an
University, and given to the former the right to make all
arrangements necessary for giving degrees, &c., in fact to act as
an University, pending the future developments of education in
Ireland. The foundation of other Colleges must have been
regarded as quite probable, for in this age of learning and piety
there had been frequent new foundations of the kind at
Oxford and Cambridge, and the queen must have fully ex-
pected this good example to be followed in Ireland. But
meanwhile the College acted as an University, appointed its
own Vice-Chancellor and Proctors, held its Congregation of
Doctors and Masters, and used the seal of the College for all
University purposes. King James, in his letters patent of 161 3,

i66 AN EPOCH TN IRISH HISTORY

acknowledged these rights by giving to the College the privilege
of sending two burgesses to Parliament, while he mentions the
possible founding of other houses, as a reason why the present
Society should have its interests protected in the legislature.

But there is evidence that everything in the College was
disturbed by the shifting o\ the religious question in England,
and the increased wealth and importance of the Corporation.
King James was now setting his face against Puritanism, which
had already shown its sturdy independence in Scotland. He
does not seem to have paid attention to the appointment ot
Temple, a layman and a Puritan, who despised the ceremonies
of the Church, and appeared in Chapel without a surplice.
But it is more than likely that Ussher saw the danger, and
began quietly, as was his wont, to take precautions against
an excess of anti-clericalism in the College. For Ussher,
though a strict Evangelical, was a stout defender of Episco-
pacy. His counter move to Temple may be found in the
nomination of Archbishop Abbot of Canterbury to be
Chancellor, in the room of the deceased Earl of Salisbury
(1612). Hitherto Dublin had always followed suit to
Cambridge, and as they had copied Cambridge Statutes, so
they adopted the Cambridge Chancellor. Now, for the first
time, while the latter chose another layman (Northampton),
Dublin began the fashion of Archiepiscopal Chancellors, which
led to such momentous consequences in the reign of Laud,

Archbishop Abbot promptly took action regarding the
alleged neglect of decency in the Chapel services. He sent
a very severe, almost violent, rebuke to Dublin, representing
the king's indignation at the disuse of the surplice and
neglect of the Book of Common Prayer in the Dublin
College and the Cathedral services. Temple's defence of him-
self as a layman, acting in analogy with the lay prece-
dents of puritan Cambridge, has been printed in abstract
by Stubbs.i But in spite of Temple's arguments, and some

^ p, 28.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 167

threats of resignation, he promises obedience to the
Chancellor.

We cannot tell whether the proposal to separate University
and College came from Temple or from the new Chan-
cellor. But it is clear that though they both favoured it,
they were actuated by widely different motives. Temple
was probably led by the precedent of Cambridge, and the
anomaly of a College appointing its own Vice-Chancellor,
and conferring degrees without any external sanction or
revision of its standards. It is indeed most remarkable, and
was hardly to be expected, that with this absolute inde-
pendence Trinity College should maintain for centuries the
high quality of its degrees. The Chancellor evidently (from
the arguments urged against him by the fellows) had other
schemes in view. He wished to encroach upon the fellows'
right of choosing their Provost, to diminish or change the
Visitors, and to curtail the fellows' privilege of making statutes
for themselves. These were the very changes made by Laud.
It was therefore made a sine qua non by the Chancellor, that
before granting a new Charter for an University, the fellows
should surrender the Charter of Queen Elizabeth. Logically
he was perfectly right. It would have been absurd to found
a new corporation with the right to give degrees, while the
College retained this privilege in its original Charter.
Supposing that the new University refused a degree, the
College could confer it on the same person at their own
Commencements, and seal it with their own seal. But when
the fellows were approached upon this point, and asked to
surrender their Charter as the preliminary step to the change
of constitution, they objected that their property might be
lost, their former legal acts questioned, in any case their oath
violated, and they maintained their point. Several documents,
containing their arguments, their concessions, their excuses, are
still extant, and are given at great length by Hely Hutchinson,
by Amn.^ and by Stubbs. The fellows are perfectly ready

i68 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

to acquiesce in the king's desire to have his name men-
tioned in the title of the College as fellow-founder with
Queen Elizabeth, and we wonder the new seal did not
express that concession. They are quite ready, if any omis-
sions or any improvements in their statutes can be pointed
out by competent persons, to make changes or additions
under their existing powers. They point out that as in the
proposed University the Doctors and Masters were to have
the power of legislation, there was no reason why the College,
which contained all the leading members of the University,
should not likewise legislate for itself. Hidden behind all
these arguments lay the pregnant hint from Ussher (in
London) to Challoner^ that statutes sent from London
would be dangerous. It may fairly be inferred that he felt
little confidence in the new Chancellor (though of his own
choosing), who, like so many other Englishmen wholly
ignorant of Ireland, was hastening to legislate as soon
as he was appointed. The fellows seem to have been
particularly apprehensive of a change in the Visitors,
such as that carried out by Laud, whereby seven high
Irish officials, one of them the Mayor of Dublin, were
replaced by the Chancellor and the Archbishop of Dublin,
a close oligarchy consisting usually of two Englishmen,
whose policy might run counter to the wishes of all the
fellows. Nevertheless the separate establishment of an
University was clearly regarded as inevitable — one of the
many inevitable things which have never happened in
Ireland. There seems to be a curious piece of evidence in
the making of a new College seal. We have remains of
two older seals, one the broad seal on wax,2 ^nd the
other a small one for letters (above, p. 124). But it is certain
that a new seal was ordered, for we still have the payment

* Ussher' s Life and Works, xv. 55, " But I pray you, be not too forward to
have Statutes sent from hence — dictum Sapienti."

^ Attached to the appointment of George Raw as attorney of the College
to take over the site from the Corporation of Dublin, Aug. 16, 1592,

TEMPLE (1609-26) 169

of it noted in the accounts of December 27, 1611.^ Aprill
1 6 12 is on this seal. The only possible reason for this date
on the permanent seal of the College would be the beginning
of a new life, the original foundation of 1592 being
regarded as that of the University. But when we consider
the dates of the controversy, which seems to have followed
upon the original proposal of Abbot in 1612, it is hard to
maintain that any definite conclusion had been attained so
early. It is barely possible that at the outset all appeared quite
easy, and that a separate seal was ordered for the University,
but that when details came to be considered unforeseen diffi-
culties arose. Here again we are left to mere conjectures.

Contemporaneous with the earlier moments of this con-
troversy were the successful efforts of Temple, Fullerton and
Hamilton, and the unsuccessful one of Challoner, to secure
the financial prosperity of the College. Temple went to
Court (1611-12) and negotiated the changing of the yearly
subsidy into a permanent one. Fullerton secured the increased
endowments in Munster, and the grant of large estates in
Ulster ; Challoner made out the long catalogue of chantry
lands, which was never realised.^ All these enterprises were
appreciated by the College ; Temple was paid large sums
of money (in all ^^i 10) for his energy; Fullerton was con-
sulted as a sort of patron ; Hamilton was granted a lease of the
northern estate, which would have been disastrous to the
College, had it not been broken, but even so he benefited
largely by lesser money transactions with the College.

But before these larger endownments were realised, rival

^ " Payd to Mr. Greene of Foster Lane in London Goldsmith for y^
College seale weighing in silver 4 ounces and half and one peny
weight at 5s. the ounce and 40^ for the fashion ... 3" 2^ (f.

2 It appears from the State Papers of 1614, and from the heads of the
Bill proposed in the Irish Parliament in that year, that the chantry lands
in Ireland were not yet formally the king's property, though Edward VI.
had resumed them all in England. Challoner must therefore have made
them out in anticipation of the law.

170 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

plans were made for the larger usefulness of the College,
and of these the most important were those of Challoner and
of Temple. We know the former chiefly from the criticisms
of Temple and of Archbishop Abbot, and are therefore not to
be misled by the apparently obvious financial defects attributed
to it by its adversaries. The point of interest in Challoner's
plan is its likeness to that of Archbishop Browne already
mentioned (p. 99). In the first place the conversion of all
the chantry lands and holdings in Dublin, which Challoner
actually obtained from the king, had there been distinctly
pointed out as the natural endowment of the new University.
In the second place the idea of having a very small number of
fellows or lectors — Browne proposes four, Challoner six — and a
very large number of students or masters, all supported by the
funds (Browne 200, Challoner 160) is wholly at variance with
Temple's plan of having a larger number ot fellows, and a
moderate number (seventy) of scholars, these forming the
corporation, and monopolising the endowment, with fellow
commoners and pensioners paying fees and decrements besides.
The whole history of the College shows that this latter plan
was feasible and practical, but we may well hesitate to con-
demn that of Challoner, whose experience of the College, and
of Ireland, was far longer and more thorough than that
of Temple. He probably saw that offering a free education to
a large number would fill the College far more rapidly, and
attract many whose parents were unwilling or unable to pay
for them. Temple tells us in his criticism that to expect
twenty new students yearly was altogether against their
experience. During the ensuing years we find the want ot
popularity, and consequently small results attained with a large
endowment, attributed by the Government to a faulty manage-
ment of the College. In all probabiHty the rejected plan was
intended to meet this rising objection.^ But most unfor-

* The details of the two schemes are well stated, with some details, by
Stubbs, pp. 39-42, and are thus easily accessible to the curious reader,

TEMPLE (1609-26) 171

tunately Challoner died in 161 3, just at the time when his
experience and authority would have been most useful, and
Temple, with his Senior Fellows, his probationers, his native
scholars, and open scholars, moulded the subsequent history of
the College.

These are questions of large policy, and would be of
high interest, if we knew all the details of Challoner's plan.
Far less interesting are the various chicaneries and squabbles
which took place regarding the setting of the new estates in
Ulster. It was an obvious policy of the College to favour
friendly middlemen accustomed to country life and ready to
undertake the trouble of managing a large native tenantry,
though with a considerable profit ; but it was clearly unsafe
and unwise to make the Provost a College tenant, or to make
large leases to a man of many speculations, such as Sir James
Carroll. The proposal of Sir James Hamilton to have the
whole of the Ulster estates on a lease for ever at ^^500 rent
must have seemed at the time reasonable, for such men as
Challoner and Ussher, who actually signed this lease, together
with Temple, though they would doubtless favour an old
colleague and benefactor of the College,^ would certainly not
have sacrificed to such considerations the welfare of their
society. But the fact remains that the Junior Fellows, with
Robert Ussher, whom they elected Vice-Provost, at their head,
repudiated the bargain ; they saved the permanent lease from
being carried out, though Hamilton was ready to increase

There are also in that passage the current prices of provisions, and this was
worth quoting again, as the estimate of a practical farmer, and one who
knew the proper diet for the Collegians of his day. See note i, p. 154.

^ The names of the College tenants in subsequent years show that it was
a regular policy of the College to give profitable leases to ex-fellows on
livings or in Sees in the North, Thus we find Dr. Robert Maxwell, Bishop
John Richardson, and Temples and Bedells for some generations middle-
men of the College. There is in the M. R. (E, 63) a complaint from
Basil Brooke of Donegal, that Dr. Richardson is oppressing the natives
on the College estate in the barony of Tirhugh adjacent to his own
grant.

172 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

his bid to ;f 650, and the estates were very soon found
worth more than double his original offer. Archbishop
Ussher, in a subsequent letter, acknowledges his mistake, in
giving his cousin special credit for stout resistance to the
Seniors on this occasion. The Junior Fellows maintained
that, with the possible increase in the value of land, no lease
should be made by the Society for more than twenty-one
years, and they actually obtained an injunction from the
Privy Council forbidding the Provost and Senior Fellows
from making longer leases and from anticipating the renewal
for the purpose ot securing fines for themselves.^ In the
course they pursued they showed openly their suspicions of
Temple's honesty, and they charge him w^ith various other
crimes, besides that of enriching himself from the College
estates. They allege that he violated the Statutes of his
own making by favouritism in the election of fellows,
by laxity in his discipline, &c., &c. His long and angry
reply to these charges is still extant.2 It does not seem to me
the defence of a man with his hands perfectly clean. That a
section of the fellows should hold meetings without the
knowledge of the Provost, and forward resolutions accusing
him to the Government behind his back, was certainly a grave
violation of all College discipline ; but the facts that he

^ Temple's reply to their arguments is preserved in the M. R., and it is
amusing to note that the arguments of the Junior Fellows are stated in
syllogistic form, and the objections framed in the same form. Here we see
the old Ramist reappearing.

It is notable that a sudden rise (or fall) in the price of provisions is
urged as a dangerous disturbing element, which might diminish or
increase greatly the value of a fixed rent. Archbishop Abbot, in com-
menting on this matter to Ussher [Works, xv. 55) thinks that the College
should take care to have some of the rents paid in kind to avoid this
difficulty. It has been clearly shown by Mr. Bass Mullinger (Hist, of
Cainbndgc,vo\. ii.) that this form of rent turned out a real source of wealth
to the Cambridge Colleges, when the price of provisions rose. Sizings
could be kept at a low figure in such circumstances, and so the student
could live with great economy.

' U, R., C 34, and Stubbs, App. xvii.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 173

was unable to punish them, and that they even made
good their case,i prove that appearances at least were
strongly against him. There was a Visitation at Easter,
161 5, in which inquiry was made into the alleged Puri-
tanism of the College. All our books are silent about it.
But Temple states triumphantly that this charge was then
wholly disproved. It seems strange that the others should
not have been discussed at the same time. The Junior
Fellows' statement of their case and of the evidence is
not preserved ; it is therefore not worth while going more
minutely into Temple's long and ill-composed defence.
The whole affair was a discreditable squabble, and Temple's
reputation, though he obtained the honour of knighthood
from Lord Deputy St. John in May, 1622, never recovered.
Hely Hutchinson, who had himself been subject to like
charges from cabals among his fellows, and who had spent
years in these angry controversies, speaks with bitter personal
feeling concerning the persecutions of Temple, and spends
much labour in his vindication. In the details of government,
there seems no doubt that Temple was careful and diligent.
Of this the P. B. gives us ample evidence. But these virtues
may not make a man proof against the ambition of being a
landed proprietor, and of providing for his family by favour-
able leases of the Corporation lands.

Immediately after his election in November, 1609, he
enters the quarterly accounts in his own hand.2 He
notes the admissions of fellows, and puts down some of
the exeats. It was in this year that the king made his
great grants of three estates and of ten advowsons. But the
formalities of the lawyers naturally occupied a couple of years
before these increments were realised. In i6ii the Provost
went to England to prosecute the suit of the College. During
this time "Mr. Dr. Challoner and the rest of the fellows"
manage the College, and Challoner is mentioned in private
^ Cf. M. R, F 38. =• P. B., pp. 43b and sq.

174 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

bonds as chief or master. In March, 1612, Temple returned,
and this year is full of important events for the College. The
new Chancellor was appointed. Temple tells us all the law
costs of getting the patent for the State pension, in which the
lawyers' fees seem most exorbitant {£']"])' Anth. Martin
gives an account of the College money, and Temple resumes
his careful entries. But now for the first time a Bursar is
appointed, and both he and the Senior Dean, as well as the
Provost, have keys of the chest. Historically the most inte-
resting note is that on August 7th, Dr. [Wm.] Chapell of
Christ's College, Cambridge, is invited to come over at a salary
of ;^20 per annum and his diet, as Dean and Catechist.^
There are items in the accounts for the fitting up of his
chamber. This was the tutor of Milton, the old Damcetas
of Lycidas^ who in course of time became Provost and Bishop
of Cork. His fame as a logician was great at Cambridge.

As Anthony Martin was appointed Dean the following
December, and Catechist, with a specification of the work
he was to do, and as Chappell's name does not reappear in any
entry of the following years, I take it that he returned to
England in 16 13, and resumed his Cambridge work.

But if we see in this choice the influence of Temple, it
was only in harmony with the constant efforts of Ussher, and
indeed of Alvey, to obtain good teachers and learned men to
help the rising Colleges. Sam. Ward, a learned correspondent
in Emanuel College, writes to Ussher in 1608 about the invi-
tation to himself, and mentions Mr. Eyre and Mr. Pearson
as suitable young men.2 Ussher in a remarkable letter to
Challoner mentions others. In this way the provincialism
that has often in our day injured Irish Colleges was avoided,
and that solidarity established which secured for the fellows of
the Dublin College a high position in the learned world, and
a hospitable retreat in their days of adversity.

We further learn that in this year the Ulster estates were
* P. B., p. 205. ^ Ussher's Works^ xv. 56, and xv, 74,

TEMPLE (1609-26) 17s

actually leased to Sir James Hamilton at ;^632, in spite of the
bond of the Vice-Provost and Junior Fellows to Sir H. Folliott
and Sir A. Gore, that they would not agree to any lease under
^^700, and were then to give these gentlemen the preference. i
But the lease to Hamilton was only for twenty-one years,
which shows that a peaceable compromise was effected. Though
we should not judge without better knowledge, it gives us an
unpleasant impression of Hamilton that he forthwith (161 3)
sublet the whole estate to Sir James Carroll, a man with
many irons in the fire, and even then showing signs of
financial failure. Moreover, in 161 8, the College had to
accept a mortgage from him for the money he owed in rent
to the College.2 Luckily this Carroll, probably to pay some
debt to the College,3 surrendered to it his lease five years later
(16 1 8). Hamilton's rent began first to be paid in 16 13, so that
from this time forward the Ulster estate affected the College
income. Hence it was in 16 14, the year that Ussher was
made Vice-Chancellor,4 that Temple formulated his elaborate
scheme for disposing of the enlarged College income of over
^1,100 per annum by appointing more fellows and scholars,
and by raising slightly the allowances for commons and sizings.S
But these reforms do not seem to have been completed till
161 7, when we have the following entry ^ : —

" It was agreed upon by the Provost and Senior Fellows
that the Scholar's Comons at ech supper sh'' for evry sevall
mess receyve the addicon of 2d. over and above their ordinary

^ Anon.^ p. 133. "^ P. B., 171.

3 It is, however, equally probable that this surrender was connected
with the surrender {pro forma) of the whole estate to the king in that
year, that he might re-grant it in three separate manors, one for each
county (Fermanagh, Armagh, Donegal), instead of having it all comprised
under the manor of Kilmacrenan in Donegal. This second grant of 1618
is still among the College records, with a magnificent impression (on wax)
of the king's great seal.

4 He was re-elected 1617, and apparently remained Vice-Chancellor till
his death.

5 Stubbs, p. 39. * P. B., 171.

176 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

allowance out of ye kitchin. So as now the allowance for ech
mess at supper out of ye kitchin wilbe 4d. This to begin
July 26, 16 1 7, and so to continew."

It might appear from an interesting discussion in July
of the following year ^ that the increased outlay in the
numbers and the entertainment of the Society was hardly
warranted, if we could be sure that the plea of the
College was one of reasonable caution and not of meanness.
Let it be remembered that the College had already presented
various of its students to fifteen livings in six years, and that
two of them are asserted to be converts from Popery.2 The
new deputy (St. John) reports that in accordance with direc-
tions from England, he had proposed " the stay of the pension
of ^40 per annum for the College near Dublin for the main-
tenance of a weekly lecture in Christ Church, and to require
the College to undertake the continuance of that lecture here-
after. I caused the Provost and fellows to come before me at
the Council table, and acquainted them with His Majesty's
pleasure. Those of the fellows that came with the Provost,
being the best of their society, we found to be young men,
and none of them able, as was said, to undertake that lecture,
unless it were one or two that were beneficed, and had cures
of souls within this city ; so that it appeared to them that
albeit they should receive His Majesty's former bounty, yet of
themselves they were not able to continue the lecture without
employing some other. The Deputy then " moved them, as a
part of thankfulness for His Majesty's extraordinary bounty
and liberal grants of great scopes of lands and a large pension,

' S. P., 1618, p. 201.

* P. B., p. 185b : Phelini O'Dogherty converted from Popery presented
May 16, 1615, to vicarage of Tullaferny. Bernard Odenony (same date
and circumstances) to Aghenis. As Tullyfern and Aughnish were in the
old O'Dogherty country, and the College estate of Kilmacrenan was close
by, the former convert may have been a local priest never educated in
the College, and appointed to keep the new owners safe by his local
influence. The two parishes have long been united as Tullyaughnish
(Ramelton) in Co. Donegal.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 177

that they should out of their own means entertain one or more
able preachers to discharge that service, whereunto they pre-
tended want of means to furnish such an extraordinary charge
without the lessening of their Society, so that upon their fail-
ing, the lecture has since ceased, and will henceforth, unless
they be quickened with an absolute commandment."

We have not the king's answer to this very discreditable
report, but we know from entries in the P. B. that the lecture
was resumed, for in 1621 (p. 193b) the famous Sam. Ward
(now of Ipswich) was appointed Professor of Theological Con-
troversies, and also to deliver the lecture, receiving a fee for
each lecture, and in 1626 four Fellows were appointed to take
the Friday lecture in Christ Church (p. 175b).

The facts here given are not so interesting as the re-
flections on the condition of the College which they suggest.
They afford a curious commentary upon Temple's elaborate
replies to the strictures of the Government that not only was
the Irish Church neglecting its duty, but that the College had
failed in its purpose, which was mainly to train up mere Irish
and Anglo-Irish students to teach the people the reformed
religion in their native tongue. Temple replies in one un-
dated paper that already from its foundation Trinity had sent
out ninety-three men fit for Church and State, and that all but
five of them (who were dead) were still active. In another
document, dated 1620, and therefore probably in answer to the
king's great manifesto of 1620,^ he states the number of Irish

^ S. P., p. 277, and in the Patent Rolls, 17 Jas. xxxiv., printed p. 470 in
the volume, from which I take the following passage (abridged) : —

And because the College of Dublin founded by Queen Elizabeth has
since been plentifully endowed by him principally for breeding up the
natives of Ireland in civility, learning and religion, and he thinks that
by this time good numbers of the natives should have been trained up
and employed as teachers of the ignorant among the Irish, if the governors
of that house had not neglected their trust, and employed the revenues
otherwise, he requires the visitors of that University to take care of that
part, and directs that some competent number of towardly young men
already fitted with the knowledge of the Irish tongue be placed in the

N

i/g AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

students at seventy-eight, of which fifty-four are Irish by birth,
the rest Irish by indenising and habitation. ^

But all this fails to explain why he had no theologian ready
to lecture in Christ Church, or why the College was compelled
to invite Englishmen, one after another, to fill the chair of
theological controversies after James Ussher. The impression
produced upon us is that Temple was not only a layman, but
a worldly person, and that he neglected the interests of the
Irish Church, which he probably regarded as little better than
the old Papal creed. When we consider the list of fellows he
appointed, we fail to find among them names in any way so
remarkable as the students at the foundation. If the names of
Ussher and Temple recur, it is with feeble sons of strong fathers.
Perhaps Anthony Martin, who was at enmity with his Provost
in later years, was the best man among them. But the general

University, and maintained there for two or three years till they have
learned the grounds of religion, and be able to catechise the simple
natives, and deliver unto them as much as they themselves have learned.
These men are to be thought of for small livings, and are to be provided
for by ministers possessed of many livings, and partly from the fines of
recusants.

^ Anon., p. 136. I am unable to reconcile Temple's figures, whose varia-
tions probably represent the variations of succeeding years. Stubbs (p. 42)
quotes him as saying in 1613 that there were then twenty native Irish out of
sixty-five students supported by the College. Temple writes on December
I, 1618, to Denis Bryen, the Munster agent, to apply to Lord Cork for
;^8 i8s. 6d. of arrears, and adds : " The College has been at great cost for
building [this, if meant to apply to recent years, was false] and is every
year at a great and ordinary expense for the maintenance of eighty-six
students with their sundry readers and officers." {Lismorc Papers, ii. 2,
p. 156). Stubbs (ibid.) quotes from another " undated paper " : Irish by
birth, 44 ; Irish by habitation, 16 ; Irish Fellow Commoners and Pen-
sioners, 18 ; strangers of Derbyshire, &c., 12 ; strangers of Cheshire, 8.
This brings the total to 98. Temple says in the paper quoted in the text,
that " no native of any towardness is refused, many though incapable of
academical learning and instruction, admitted." I have not yet found all
the papers to which Dr. Stubbs alludes, as he gives but few references.
Those I have found are : M. R., A II. e. List of natives in the College, and
remonstrance that the sons of preachers and undertakers are not treated
as such; AIL f. List of students according to nationality; C22 a and
b, State of the College in 1617.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 179

character ot the College in Temple's declining years was
decidedly second-rate. When the Deputy came in 16 17 to
be entertained with a theological lecture — a very solemn
amusement i — James Ussher is still put forward as the chief
disputant when the College should surely have shown its rising
men. The pettiness of the individual complaints against
the Provost is noteworthy, but the number of them, coupled
with charges of grave malversation in the management of the
estates, proves to demonstration that he had lost the confidence
of his staff, and was no longer in spiritual touch with them.
No intellectual ability on his part could compensate for that
fatal weakness.

And yet then, if ever, there was need of a strong man with
a whole heart to stem the tide that was turning against the
College and the reformed faith in Ireland.

We are very well informed of the drift of opinion during these
years, especially during the rule of Chichester ( 1604-16), whose
long, accurate, and "painful" correspondence fully justifies
the great confidence placed in him by the king. It is quite
remarkable how colourless and merely objective the letters of
St. John are in comparison with them. Moreover, Chichester
had beside him his Attorney-General, Sir John Davis, whose
letters are the very best and most lively of the period. The
whole Irish policy of King James, and its execution, come
before us with great clearness. No ruler of Ireland before
him had ever understood the problem so distinctly, and none
had ever devised better remedies. Plantations were, indeed,
an old device of English statecraft, but they were confessedly
plantations among " the Irish enemy." King James was
clearly informed that there was ample land for both planters
and natives as soon as the nomadic pasturing of the natives

* Messrs. Martin, Egerton, and Donnellan were the subsequent dis-
putants ; the questions were these : Spiritus Sanctus in Scriptiira loquens
est solus infallibilis judex controversiarum. Jejunium pontificum ncque
Scriptnrcv ncqiic rationi est conscntancum. The Protestant flavour is
here very strong.

i8o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

could be replaced by decent agriculture.^ Thus the American
settler in the Far West could produce food for a population
enormously greater than the Red Indians, who lived upon
herds of roaming buffaloes.

But it need hardly be added that the displacing of even a
part of the natives from the lands w^hich they occupied, how-
ever much they neglected them, was an operation sure to
excite strong resentment, and to be accompanied with many
real hardships. What the king had to offer as a counter-
balance to these griefs was relief from the "cuttings and
cosherings" of the old chieftains, a secure freehold of the
lands re-granted to the remaining occupiers, and a strictly
just and gentle administration of the English laws. Lastly,
the bulk of the escheated lands should have been re-granted
to natives, whose interest would then have led them to dread
the return of Tyrone, and the resumption of the old dues and
exactions. Perhaps the only restriction to be put upon these
large re-grants would have been to make conformity to the
religion of the State a condition of remaining with a fixed
tenure. No Roman Catholic State in Europe would have
hesitated to enforce such a restriction on their side. But then
the Reformed faith should also have been assiduously and
zealously taught by a clergy conversant with the native
tongue.

All these ideas were quite familiar to the mind of King
James. Mountjoy, during the too brief time that he survived
after his victorious career in Ireland, was undoubtedly the
king's chief adviser upon Irish affairs, and Chichester, his
lieutenant, had been brought up in the same school. But
with the death of Mountjoy the master hand, which could
have controlled errors and abuses, was gone, and both the
king and his subordinates made mistakes of detail, which
marred a large and philosophic policy.

In this policy the " college near Dublin " was to play a
» Cf.; for example, what Sir Thomas Phillip says, S. P., 1632, p. 412.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 181

leading part. While bishoprics and parishes were endowed
with lands and glebes, the college was to educate an Irish
Church clergy to do duty not only in the English and Scotch
plantations, but among the natives. Here, however, as well as
elsewhere, the plan failed in its details. Temple was evidently
unequal to the task, and we cannot but regret that such a man
as Daniell, now Archbishop of Tuam, was not kept in the
College, and promoted to rule it at this crisis. It is evident
from a letter of Ussher that pressure was being brought on
Temple to resign during the last years of his life, and his case
is but one of the many failures which King James had to
endure. Neither Chichester, St. John, nor Falkland seem
strong enough to subdue the greed of undertakers and
servitors, the neglect and misconduct of Churchmen, or, on
the other hand, to combat the vigour and persistency of
Jesuits, seminaries, and priests, who utilised the grievances
ot the plantation to feed hopes of the return of Tyrone with
a new expedition from the King of Spain.

The king was on the one hand urged by all those who
hoped for grants of land to extend his plantations and make
similar confiscations and settlements in the wild parts ot
Wexford and Carlow — Mounts Leinster and Blackstairs were
haunts of Kavanaghs and other wild septs — and in Ros-
common and Leitrim, where O'Rourke had always been a
proud and obstinate opponent of England. On the other
hand, the special Commission he appointed to report upon the
alleged failure of the existing settlements, and to recommend
remedies, point out the danger of such a course. " Though
plantations made upon just grounds were very necessary for the
securing of many disordered territories in that country, yet
considering that works of that nature had been much perverted
by the private aims of many particular persons to get only
large scopes of land into their hands for their own profit, with-
out any care of settling them for the strength and safety of
the country ; and withal remembering that they are causes of

i82 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

much discontent and exasperation to the people whom they
concern, and that these late plantations are yet in their infancy
and far from being well settled, they deem it unreasonable to
think effectually of any more plantations for the present ; yet
the Lord Deputy's care, &c., should be acknowledged, and he
might be let know that he will do good service if he can settle
any disordered Irish country by breaking up the dependencies
of the people from their chief lords, and disposing the lands in
orderly manner upon the natives and possessors to their good
content at profitable rents and tenures." ^

Among the new landlords created by the Ulster plantation
we do not hear a word of special complaint against the College,
beyond the preferring of natives for the best scholarships. For
in the first place neither here nor in Munster had the fellows
displaced the actual occupiers ; and in the second the rents
they required were always exceedingly moderate, so much so
that great estates were acquired by the middlemen who
held leases under them, without oppression of the natives.
But the greed of speculators, and the king's evil habit of
stopping the mouth of claimants for favour by grants of land
in Ireland, became so great a terror to all previous holders that
we have 2 a formal complaint from the undertakers to say that
the whole enterprise in the north, which had begun most
favourably, was now languishing through want of confidence
in the king's gifts, which might any day be revoked on the
ground that difficult or impossible conditions imposed upon
the first grantees had not been fulfilled. Under these cir-
cumstances the fear arose that newer and stronger favourites
would prove the lands to be again forfeited, and displace the
first planters. Hence many were already selling their holdings
at mean prices, and returning to England, while the natives
were resuming occupation, and threatening the remaining
English that they too would soon be driven out by the
return of Tyrone.

^ S. P., July, 1623, p. 427. » ibid., 1625, p. 518,

TEMPLE (1609-26) 183

The State Papers of the day, especially under the rule of
Falkland, who is ever complaining that he is shackled and
thwarted, and unable to carry out his duty to the king, show
clearly that with the partial blue sky of peace there were the
lowering clouds and muttering thunder of the coming storm —
public assemblies of priests and friars, missions of Jesuits, flying
rumours of a great Spanish invasion, scattered occurrences of
murders to resist the law — all caused, say the correspondents,
by the vacillation of the king between his desire to uphold the
reformed religion, and at the same time to temporise with
Spain and the Pope. The news of Prince Charles's escapade
to Spain set the minds of all the recusants in Ireland in a
flutter. If the Prince married a Spanish princess it was surely
impossible that her creed should be persecuted in Ireland.
King James too often did retract his frequent orders regard-
ing the expulsion of the Jesuits, owing to the pressure of the
Spanish ambassador, so that the puzzled Viceroy never knew
whether to tighten or to relax his rule.i

These matters are not a digression ; they must be under-
stood and kept in mind when we try to appreciate the religious
and political atmosphere of the College in these early days.
It is idle to say that the life of the students and their teachers
stood apart from the great world, and had no concern with it.
Such isolation in those critical times was quite impossible.

We have already suggested, regarding the wards ordered to
be educated in the College, that but a small proportion of them
was actually sent there. But we have lost the old Matricula-

* Cf. S. P., i6ii, p. 246. The king does not wish to enjoin on
Chichester the prosecution of recusants without exception, but leaves
the whole question to his discretion, reminding him of the king's desire
" that he should forward religion so far forth as it gave not any occasion
to make any disturbance among the people." To this Chichester replies
(Ibid., pp. 268, 446) that if the Jesuits and recusant lawyers were per-
sistently prosecuted, *' the rest of the people would soon banish the Pope
out of their hearts." Accordingly some prominent people about Dublin
were capriciously fined, while the masses of the people were left undis-
turbed.

1^4 AlSt EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

tion book, which would tell us the facts, and therefore, beyond
scholars, who were of the poorer class, we have only chance
allusions to the fellow commoners and pensioners, of whom
there seem to have been not more than fifteen or twenty on
the books at any one time up to Temple's death. Never-
theless we know of some youths of importance, who were
not wards, being in residence. An O'Donnell (son of Sir
Neale), a Fitzmaurice (Lord Lixnaw's son), Lord Burke of
Castleconnell, Captain Falkland, son of the Lord Deputy,
and a son of Sir Turlough O'Brien are mentioned. The
last occurs in a connection showing how respectfully these
young aristocrats were treated. A student named Coyne
was to be punished for going into the city without leave,
when Sir Turlough's son went to the Provost and explained
that Coyne had done so on urgent business for himself,
whereupon the punishment is mitigated into a merely formal
confession of the offence.^ The other names appear in
the State Papers of the reign.2 Even in the time of Alvey the
number of silver cups belonging to the College, evidently
the gift of the parents or guardians of fellow commoners,
show that the small number of paying students were people of
quality.

The number of degrees conferred in the years 1614-25, of
which an account is preserved to us by Temple,3 shows an
average of over twenty, which is very high, seeing that almost
one-half of them, 112, compared with 119, are M.A. and
higher degrees, implying a residence of seven years at the

« P. B., 215.

^ Lord Burke of Castleconnell : " We have great hope of him, being
Protestant, and bred in the College" (S. P., 1620, p. 282). "The Lords
are glad to hear of the good education the Lord Lixnaw's son, and
others of quality^ are receiving in the College of Dublin, which they pray
may be continued accordingly " (S. P., 1615, p. 66). " He is brought up
with the Earl of Thomond, a Protestant, at the College of Dublin "
(S. P., 1613, 459, also 1615, 102). I need not multiply quotations for the
analogous cases.

3 P. B., pp. 176, 184-5.

I

TEMPLE (1609-26) 185

least. It is true that they came to College very raw, but
they were not matriculated till they knew something,^ being
handed over to the College schoolmaster, one of the fellows,
who taught them in the Chapel daily. The master in Temple's
time was Ed. Donnellan, who was paid the large sum of ^10
per annum, with an addition if the fees of his pupils did not
bring him ^\0 more.2

Stubbs has given in his book (pp. 43-5) the details of the
four years' course, with the important omission of all mention
of the training in Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. Yet Bedell,
from whose Statutes these details are taken, is quite express
on the point. All the classes together were to be exercised in
Greek and in Hebrew by a special lecturer, si commode fieri
potest. This proviso is not explained. I presume that in the
absence of a special lecturer, each tutor undertook this indis-
pensable work with his pupils. But a Latin theme and a
Latin description of the work of the week, as well as a
weekly declamation, were also an universal requirement.
What proficiency was expected of students appears from the
Degree Examination, in which they were expected to trans-
late any part of the Greek Testament and the first two Psalms
from Hebrew into Latin. The latter might be merely an
exercise in memory, but the former is an ordeal that nowadays
hardly any of our ordinary candidates for the A.B. degree
would care to face.

Omitting the details which may be read in the book
referred to, or indeed in the Caroline Statutes, we think
a general review of the education of that day and a com-
parison with our own will reveal many obstinate survivals of
details, while the whole spirit and temper of University

* Cf.the P. B., 215b, the note beginning, ** These are counted unmatricu-
lated though in the College." The names follow with various dates, some
of them a year back, fixed as those of their formal matriculation. This
was in August, 161 1, after the Midsummer Examination to test progress.
There were then at least five fellow commoners in the House.

« P. B.. 2o6b.

1 86 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

training has been modified by the fatal influx of text-books,
which submerges much honest teaching and learning. The
four classes of undergraduates remain to this day, and that the
passage from Freshman to Sophister now known as the Little
Go was an important step even then appears from the isolated
note,i post exam habitas in grad. juni. Sophistaru ordin cooptati
sunt^ and eleven names follow. Had the failures been
appended, we should have had an account of the Little Go of
i6i I, and of the size of the Senior Freshmen class in that year.
The Professor of Theological Controversies, too, lectured then
as he now does, on the Romish Controversy, but we do not
find that the exposition now given by him of the Ritual of
the reformed Church was required in this Puritan atmosphere.
The main Commencements of the year were fixed at the end
of Trinity term, and so they have remained till now, though
that term has been shortened by a week. A summer term, in
July and August, was then kept — ^now an approved innovation
at Oxford and Cambridge, which some of us have in vain
endeavoured to re-introduce into Trinity College.

But if in these points old traditions still survive, a great
change has come over us since the time when the business of
the teacher was to expound a subject and not a book, and that
of the student was so to assimilate his lesson that he could
reproduce it in a Latin essay, and defend his views in public
disputation. If there was less to be known then than now,
there was on the other hand an insistence upon that know-
ledge being ready for use, and defensible by argument. As a
mental training our present University courses have nothing of
the same value, and so far we have distinctly deteriorated. Most
of us have endeavoured to mend the fault (very inadequately)
by those debating societies which are so prominent in modern
University life. But there long remained in Trinity College
another valuable representative of the old spirit — that habit of
requiring viva voce answering at Fellowship examination and

' P. B., 213.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 187

for all the higher honours, which has only given way of recent
years to the influence of the sister societies of Oxford and
Cambridge and of the State competitions. There are men
still living in Dublin who obtained their Fellowship by an
exclusively viva voce examination, and not a little of the
readiness of the Irish scholar is directly due to this excellent
practice. It is known that Chatham trained his great son to
fluency by making him read out Latin and Greek texts in
English. Every scholar of Trinity College (from the founda-
tion till late in the nineteenth century) underwent that very
training. In the philosophy course for fellowship, viva voce
still counts for half the examination.

The opening of the first year's studies with Dialectic points
in its very title to a Ramist course. Though the pupils pro-
bably had no text-books, we may be sure that the lecturers
used Temple's edition of Ramus, and the other commentaries
upon this popular author. In the second year followed Logic ;
then in the third Physiology, or what we should call Natural
Philosophy, such as it was before DesCartes, or even Bacon ;
in the fourth year this Physiology was combined with Ethic
and Rhetoric. Even to this day, the insisting upon Ethics
and Astronomy for the A.B. examination is a distinctive and
valuable feature in the education of the College ; and this
astronomy is only a part of the physiology of the ancients,
which corresponds to the mathematical physics still taught in
our fourth year.

These details can hardly interest the general reader, nor is
it very important to examine what was taught in the College,
provided we know how it was taught, and that it was taught
honestly. By the constant habit of inviting men of eminence
from Cambridge to be Provosts or Professors, they secured that
their standard should be that of England, not of the Ireland
of that day, and James Ussher's influence, though he was now
engaged in a wider sphere of work, must always have been
used to promote real and serious learning.

i88 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Externally, the surroundings of the College were undergoing
considerable change. At the first foundation Hoggen Green
was really an open space, whereon the cattle and swine of the
citizens used to graze. But in Speed's map (1610) it is already
enclosed by a wall, and there are signs of buildings encroach-
ing upon it. Let it be remembered, however, that, as Roque's
map shows, the College of that day did not reach within fifty
yards so far west or north as it now does. The old steeple, at
the north-west corner of the original square, stood about half-
way between the present gate and the belfry, and on that line.
Hence there was considerable room between the College and
the piece of ground acquired from the city by Sir G. Carey,
Treasurer at War (in 1602), which skirted the water side of
the green, and was afterwards acquired by Lord Chichester,
whose residence there became famous as Chichester House.
Sir Toby Caulfeild got another grant of the rising ground
over against it between the Green, Grafton Street, and
Suffolk Street, and built there a house afterwards (1632)
occupied by Archbishop Ussher. These and other gifts began
to encroach so much upon the public green, that there is a;
resolution passed ^ that no more shall be granted — a resolution,
of course, presently violated. But the rise of fashionable
residences about the Green must have been considerably
affected by the Bridewell, situated about the foot of Trinity
Street, which had been granted to Challoner and his associates
in 1604.2 The references to it in the City Records, which
are few, are wholly distinct from those preserved by Anon, from
the College papers, though not inconsistent with them. From
both together we learn that the city, on petition from the
lessees in 1604, consented to introduce words into the lease,
widening the powers of the lessees. And in 1609 the city
passed a resolution that as there was no longer any intention ot
having a Bridewell, the lessees might apply it to the other
uses allowed by the original gift, notably for a free school.
' Dublin Records, iii. p. 303. = Cf. above, p. 130.

TEMPLE (1609-26) 189

Meanwhile Sir George Carey's house and holding had taken
the fancy of Chichester, and at the close of his rule at the
Castle, when he was about to remove to the north, he petitioned
the Corporation to give him Sir G. Carey's lease with a long
extension of years, that he might build himself a city residence.
Very naturally he did not wish to have the derelict Bridewell
facing his property, and so he proposed to the city to remit the
fine of ^50 imposed upon the citizens for the escape of a prisoner
from the Castle, if they would make it over to Trinity College.
This the city was willing to grant, but an unforeseen difficulty
arose from the occupying tenant, George Bred dam, who had
evidently got a lease from Challoner and his fellows, and who
refused to leave without compensation. Copies of the inquiries
made by the city into his claims are preserved in Anon.^ pp. 71-3,
whence it appears that the Committee of inquiry conceded his
claim for necessary repairs and glazing of the house to be ;f 30.
The case was decided by a court of law, and the Corporation
was ordered to satisfy Mr. Breddam, and this is enforced by an
order of Council in October, 1616, when St. John had already
succeeded as Deputy. It was obvious that as the College was
to get the house and ground, this charge might fairly be
defrayed by them, and so we have from William Ussher, an
official at the Castle, the following note, December 11, 1616,
" Cossen Dr. Ussher. My Lord Deputy desires to know the
resolution of the College whether they will pay ^^30 Eng. and
take this Bridewell house or no — wherein you shall do well to
repair to my Lord and that with some speed." Not one word
of all this appears in the P. B., nor does the result appear any-
where in that book, but it is stated in Anon, that the city settled
the house and plot on certain persons, who for the sum of ;f 30
conveyed it to the College, and that it remained until the
Rebellion of 1641 a place of residence for students under the
name of Trinity Hall.

These tedious details are here given, because they were
unknown to Gilbert, the historian of Dublin. If the Green

190 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

had been somewhat invaded and curtailed the College had at least
secured aristocratic neighbours, and a further house of residence.
It remains, in conclusion of this long chapter on Temple's
rule, to estimate the discipline of the students from the notes
of censures and punishments inflicted. But I protest against
these being taken by themselves, and not in relation to the
conditions under which the students lived. What scope or
outlet had they for their energies, and what care was taken to
given them, innocent amusements as well as interesting studies ?
If human nature were not in some respects the same in every
age, if youth were not gay and robust in every healthy race,
we might well imagine that the educators of that day were
absolutely ignorant of what we call innocent and wholesome
recreation. The parks were not, as now, devoted to the use of
the students for their games — all games in the courts or
gardens being formally forbidden both in Bedell's and Laud's
Statutes, — but divided by walls and fences into several com-
pounds, and either let to the Lord Deputy for his horses, the
Dean of Christ Church (Wheeler) for his orchard, or reserved
for the fellows. Even these complain that the Provost had
collected a heap of manure in the garden to which they were
granted keys. The only legitimate reason a student could
allege for visiting the city was to go to service at Christ
Church, and yet there the seats reserved for him and his com-
panions were exposed to cold and draught, and were so situated
that to them the sermon was inaudible. There were indeed
tennis courts in Thomas Street open to young blades like Lord
Howth and Sir Roger Jones, even during Church-time on
Sunday, where a famous affray between these gentlemen and
their followers took place, but such pastimes were not provided
for the College boys. The parades of the city, the bull- and
bear-baiting, the processions round the circuit of the walls — all
such distractions were forbidden and punished by severe
measures — exclusion from commons for a week or two, the
confession of the crime upon their knees, lasting all dinner

TEMPLE (1609-26) 191

time, and often the sharp correction of the rod. When the
Junior Dean holds his " corrections " now every Saturday, he
little dreams that his predecessors in Temple's days applied
the birch to the younger offenders, and even to those who had
lost the privilege of adultage by frequent transgressions.^ Is it
any wonder then that we hear of some making free with the
cherries that hung out temptingly over the Dean's orchard
wall, that others escaped early from Sunday Chapel to roam in
the country, that others " transcended the College wall " to
visit the town, and even effected their return by night through
a window in the ground floor of the steeple ? To any one
fond of boys there seems little harm in any of these escapades
save that of going to alehouses in the city, where the women
who served were, according to the city records, of more than
doubtful character. Playing cards with the porter in the
steeple, and carrying off bacon and fowl from the College
larder, was no heinous offence for those who had been excluded
from commons for some trifling transgression. I see no more
serious flaw in their conduct than the habit of breaking windows
and getting over walls, which a little reasonable laxity would
easily have cured.

We close our chapter with the fact that Temple, whose health
was long failing, and whose vacancy was being eagerly watched by
many prospective Provosts, died on January 15, 1626 (O. S.) and
was buried under the Provost's seat in the old College Chapel.2

' We are told in Bedell's Statutes (Cap. 11) that students were freed
from the rod at the age of eighteen, but as the normal period of education
was from the twelfth to the eighteenth year, the use of the rod is parallel
to that in the English public schools of our day.

^ I remember, when a boy, that the opening of foundations for the pre-
sent belfry disclosed the ancient burial of some person of importance.
A paper was read in the medical school upon his skull, which was of a
singularly low type. We have no authentic portrait of Temple to help us
in this respect, but it seems likely that he was the person exhumed, and if
so, this spot gives us the site of the west door of the chapel, where the
Provost would sit. This indication moves the original quadrangle far into
the present court, as already suggested.

CHAPTER V

BEDELL ROBERT USSHER ^ (1626-34)

Temple, in spite of his leases of College lands, and the appoint-
ment of his son as seneschal, died considerably and discreditably
indebted to the College. The money claimed against him
amounts to ;^450, and we know that there was great difficulty
in recovering it from Lady Temple and his sons. But though
the Provost's salary was still only ;^ioo, the indirect profits
must have been considerable, for Ussher is full of fears 2 that
some adventurer will obtain the post for the sake of lucre.
We have still the letter of one of the aspirants, Edward Clark,
who had succeeded another plunderer, Sir William Ryves, as
Commissary of Prerogatives, &c., a lay post which much
troubled the bishops and clergy, and in which great injustices

* With the entry of Temple's death commences the earliest official
Register of the College, it being enacted in the following, August 19
(Reg., p. 15) : " The Register's place and the custody of the Library is
devolved to one of y^ Senior ffellowes in perpetuu ; his stipend is six pound
per annum." There are some later resolutions and some lists thrust into the
first few pages. But from henceforth we have something like a continuous
record of public events in the College. The entries in the P. B. overlap
this book up to the great Rebellion, and are often identical with it, but
both are independent, and each of them often supplies what is missing in
the other. The remaining authority is the Bursar's book.

' Cf. his letter of February 9, 1626-7, quoted by Stubbs, p. 51, and the
king's mandate, M. R., F 46.

192

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) i93

to ecclesiastical property were common. This man suggests ^
that the fellows may favour him, as his official post gives
him so much control over their benefices and glebes in the
country.

Such were the people whom Primate Ussher dreaded. He
had also made up his mind that a lay Provost was inexpedient.
Temple's rule, so far as the College was intended to provide an
efficient clergy, was distinctly a failure. He bethought him
of two pious men, Joseph Mede, a fellow of Christ's College,
Cambridge, and Rich. Sibbes, a well-known preacher at Gray's
Inn. The Senior Fellows actually elected Mede, and sent over
two of their number to fetch him. But meanwhile the juniors,
who claimed by the Charter a voice in the election (a claim
admitted by the Visitors), chose Robert Ussher, for years back
Vice-Provost (if that office was permanent), and actually swore
him in. This proceeding, followed by many similar quarrels,
shows what good reason there was for a complete reform in
the government of the College. Primate Ussher's attempts to
secure a proper man had not been successful. Mede sent over
his resignation, which is in the Registry ; Sibbes refused to come
over.2

The two archbishops then bethought them of William
Bedell, probably far better than either of the others, and he was
specially recommended to the fellows in an extant letter from
Abbot, wherein he mentions that Bedell had been abroad, and

^ S. p., 1625, p. 39, " The provost is very aged and sickly. Pray secure
my nomination if you can. Perhaps the fellows will favour me as I have
power by the prerogative to examine the dispensations and titles of the
clergy of their benefices." — Letter to William Boswell.

= The facts are not quite clear. There is a letter from Abbot to Ussher
{Life, XV. p. 375) written when he was sending over Sibbes. Hely
Hutchinson says that he was proposed for election in the College, but
that the fellows voted in equal numbers for and against him. This state-
ment I have not been able to verify, and I do not believe it, as all the
records are silent about it. Another contemporary letter says that Sibbes
was appointed Master of S. Katherine's Hall in Cambridge, which he no
doubt preferred to the Irish College.

O

194 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

had large experience of men, as well as College learning. i We
have also 2 a recommendation of him from Sir H. Wotton,
whose chaplain he had been, at the embassy in Venice. This
is not the place to speak of the highly interesting condition of
Venice when Bedell resided there. The republic was tainted
with the principles of the Reformation, and openly refused to
submit to the dictates of the Pope. Their theological leader
was Fra. Paolo Sarpi, who would have undoubtedly carried
through a revolt to Protestantism, had he possessed the temper
of a Luther together with his own profound learning. Bedell
was this man's constant adviser in theology, especially in the
meaning of the Greek and Hebrew originals of the Bible, and
was so zealous in his endeavours to spread the light, that he
learned to speak and write Italian fluently, and even translated
for Sarpi and his brethren in revolt the English Book of
Common Prayer, which they were ready to adopt, if their
State had maintained its opposition to Rome.

The experience of a great struggle against the Papacy in
Venice was a very suitable prelude to a commission in the
campaign against Popery undertaken by the English Govern-
ment, and its Protestant College, in Ireland. But this
Venetian experience was not Bedell's only qualification. He
was the younger son of a squire of old family in Essex, and
had been educated at Emanuel College, Cambridge, where he
was elected a fellow in 1593. About 1602 he went out on
a living at Edmondsbury, from which he went in 1604 to
Venice. After a stay of a few years there (I cannot find how
long) he returned to his country living, where he remained in
comparative obscurity till called to Ireland. This delay in his
promotion is said to have been due to his Calvinistic opinions,
though he was distinctly a Churchman, and not a Puritan ; a

" This eminent man has found many biographers. Apart from articles
in Dictionaries there are two sketches by his son and son-in-law, recently
republished by Mr. Shuckburgh (Cambridge, 1902), and lives by Bishop
Burnet, Monck Mason, and others.

» Bedell's Life (Mason), p. 89.

BEDELL— ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 195

more serious obstacle was his modest and retiring character
in an age when most appointments were given to men who
brought themselves into public notice. At all events, the king,
the Chancellor Abbot, and the Lord Deputy directed the Senior
Fellows to elect him, which they did, not without protest from
the juniors. Abbot in his letter says that having examined
the College statutes, he finds that the election belongs to the
ancients or seniors.^ The answer of the juniors was of
course that no College statutes could override the original
Charter wherein this right was given to the fellows generally,
and before any distinction between senior and junior existed,
and this was the opinion of the Visitors to whom they appealed,
" but because the Prime Visitor, their Vice-Chancellor Ussher,
was absent, nothing was done." 2 Robert Ussher indeed stood
upon his election, even when Bedell came over, and refused to
accompany him and the other fellows to see the Primate at
his Palace of Termonfechan near Drogheda. But Robert
Ussher was no man to hold out in opposition, and so Bedell
was formally sworn in as Provost on August 16, 1627.
Bedell's diary gives us the exact dates of this part of his life.3
He took care to secure himself in case the place did not suit
him : —

" Item, that the place here being litigious, and my family untrans-
ported, I meant not presently to give up my living, but when with
the convenience of my affairs I might so do. Then I took the oath,
and had the keys delivered to me. After, I exhorted every man to
do his duty, and to live according to the statutes, by which I was
strictly bound by oath to govern. After began the Divinity Lecture.
After dinner I viewed the hall. Provost's lodging, library, gardens,
&c. At 2 of the clock was a meeting of the Senior Fellows. It was

' Unfortunately this is one of the chapters of Temple's Statutes which
has been lost. Very possibly it was torn off from the rest to be sent over
for Abbot's perusal. At all events we have lost the particular wording of
all that related to elections.

=* M. R., F 56, dated June 2, 1627.

3 Now accessible in P. B., p. 97 sq.

196 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

resolved the next Lord's day to have a Communion ; and to that end
to provide a Communion table, cai'pet, cloth, napkin, &c., and an
amnesty of all former quarrels."

These details show hovv^ completely Puritanism had eaten into
the habits of the College. Not only when Temple became old,
but for eleven years back, there had been no Holy Communion
in the Chapel. Well might Ussher see the necessity of
appointing a clerical Provost to maintain the doctrine and
discipline of the Church. Bedell seems merely to have had
a look into the College and its disorders, and to have drawn
up and passed a copy of the statutes,^ when he departed again
for England, leaving the College in charge of the Welsh Vice-
Provost, John Floyd, without even waiting for the election of
new fellows and scholars. This is what Bedell tells us in the
highly interesting letter to Sir N. Riche on the disorders of
the College.2 "f he finances he could not attack in this short
visit, seeing that there was debts and looseness of business
habits amounting to dishonesty.

The reason of his departure was to bring over his family,
but as he stayed away eight months, and made many efforts to
resign, we may suppose that his wife and family refused to
come, though that reason, beyond the six weeks' illness of a
son with ague, has not been stated. His conduct in staying
away seems to us reprehensible. He heard presently that the
College was in disorder. The Vice-Provost, who then seems
(as acting Provost) to have had a veto, refused to elect any
further fellows, because his own cousin, William Floyd,
was not chosen. Randal Ince was the only fellow elected.

^ P. B., 98b, September 6th : — " Mr. Temple's case, and the statute dc
Ecdesiastico Bcncficio was treated about, and after much deliberating
differred till the Provost's return. 7th. The statutes which in all this time
had been degested and brought into order in a new booke were finished,
consented unto, and agreed they should be read. 8th. The statutes read in
the Chapell," and so on for some days, till the Provost, after waiting at
Ringsend five days for favourable weather, put to sea September 18, 1627.

^ Stubbs, Appendix, xxviii. 3 ibid., p. 395.

BEDELL-^ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 197

Several candidates then petitioned Lord Falkland to admit
them as fellows on the ground that a lapse of time had
occurred, which gave the election to the Crown. Falkland
accordingly issued an order to admit three of them, Cottingham,
Vesey, and Floyd, but the fellows called a Visitation and showed
clearly that they had not lost the right of election by lapse.
The Visitors even deposed the Vice-Provost, and declared him
no fellow, though allowing him to remain a tutor and have
commons. Falkland thereupon retracted his order.^ The
fellows were so busy quarrelling that they even forgot to
inform the Provost of current events. Of this he complains
in his letters, and bemoans his own incapacity. The one thing
obvious — a speedy return, was the course he did not take. At
last, in answer to a most respectful and affectionate, but
pressing Latin missive from the fellows,2 and the command
of the king and Chancellor, he made up his mind to return to
Ireland.

He was only Provost for about two years, when he was
promoted to the combined Sees of Kilmore and Ardagh, but in
these two years he had more influence upon the College than

'^ These three men, charged in the Visitation with making false repre-
sentations to the Lord Deputy were therefore not fellows, and should be
erased from the list which appears in the College Calendar. Neither H .H.
nor Anon, seem to know Falkland's formal retractation of his mandate,
preserved in the M.R,, F 53. The terms in which the major part of the
fellows complain [Anon., 161) show us clearly one feature in the form of
election, which had already disappeared from Bedell's Statutes, adopted
a xew months before, but which was evidently acknowledged as still
dominating the election of 1627. Bedell notes that these new statutes
were subscribed and appointed to be read formally the following July
(P. B., 99b), though it had been done the previous September. " The
fellows took objection to the Vice-Provost for profonnding whom he pleased,
and that he denied to proponnd natives, who were candidates, because his
relative was denied." It was therefore the privilege of the Provost (or
Vice-Provost) to propound a list, on which the Senior Fellows voted. But
if they rejected the list they had no power to nominate others. Vesey and
Cottingham had been candidates at a former examination, and not
apparently at the recent one.

2 Given by Stubbs, p. 397.

198 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Temple in his eighteen. He has left in the Particular Book
entries in the form of a diary, which are most instructive
regarding the life of the place. On the other hand, he neglects
to tell us (what Temple does) the names of the scholars
elected each year, so leaving a serious gap in this part of the
College Register. He also re-handled and reduced to literary
and connected form the College statutes, "which being part
Latin, part English, and in sheets of paper some stitched
together, some loose, and a heape wout order, with long
pambles, and sometimes unnecessary, and in many places
defective, digested into a new form, and published in the
Chapell." I Of these at least two copies in his handwriting
are extant. They not only give us the general outline of the
older book, for he made no unnecessary innovations either in
matter or style, but also the model upon which the Caroline
Charter, which ever since has governed the College, was drawn
up. A comparison of the work of Bedell with that of Laud
will show how conservative the latter was, and how closely he
followed his predecessor in all points which did not call loudly
for reform.2 There can be little doubt that as Bedell was a
friend of Laud, and as Ussher was so also, the changes intro-
duced by Laud and by Strafford were suggested, or at least
approved of, by the Bishop of Kilmore.

The one salient fact in the history of the College was the
disorder of its government, and the fact that fellows, engaged
in wrangling, neglected their proper work. A letter of Ussher
(xv. 575) has indeed been quoted from that day to this, to the
effect that these statutes were copied from those of Emanuel
College, Cambridge. No one seems hitherto to have verified
this statement, for a comparison of the two codes shows it to

== Note from a letter to Sir Nath. Riche, quoted in Stubbs, p. 395.

2 The copy of Bedell's Statutes which I use for my review of his work
is one in his own hand which I bought at a book auction some years ago
for a few shillings. There is another in the College Library, another
copy is in the Muniment Room. From these I have printed them in
Appendix I. to this volume, and for the first time.

BEDELL— ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 199

be quite wrong. It is indeed clear from the history of the
College that Bedell's Statutes were in the main those of
Temple, and they bear no more likeness to those of Emanuel
College than they do to the statutes of any other College in
Cambridge, with the one exception of the standing required
from candidates for fellowship — at least seven terms from their
B.A. degree. This is, of course, the point to which Ussher
refers, though he speaks generally. The somewhat rhetorical
preamble, and the first chapter de Cultu divino are probably
composed by Bedell, for the statutes of other Cambridge
Colleges show that the composition of this preface was a thing
of display, wherein the author showed not only his Latin
prose, but his historical and literary conceits. Laud repeats it
verbatim, but to copy such a thing from another book of
statutes would be regarded as we now regard copying another
man's sermon. The duration of a fellowship seems to have
been but seven years from the M.A. degree, for we find at this
time senior fellowships frequently declared vacant, or claimed
on the ground that they ought to be vacant,^ but in Bedell's
book the question is deliberately left open, and there is a distinct
allusion to a new Charter on this point about to issue from
the king. The care of Divine service is marked by making it
the subject of the first chapter, and here no doubt there were
many particulars introduced. In Laud's book this matter is
postponed till the ninth chapter.

A further examination of these statutes may be postponed
to the sequel, in which Laud's rehandling of them will
be considered. There are two significant explications set in
the forefront of the book and dated September 23 and 24,
1628, that is to say after Bedell's return. The first defines
the " Ecclesiastical Benefice " which a fellow was sworn not
to hold save within three miles of the city. It receives its
widest meaning, whether with or without a cure of souls. At
this very time a fellow. Parry, was accused of holding such a

^ P. B., 97-8,

200 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

benefice, and removed. The second defines whether the
disqualification of marriage {si uxorem duxisse compertum sit) was
to be retrospective, or only to apply to cases after the date of
the statute. The latter interpretation was adopted, which
suggests that during the reign of disorder this licence also
had crept into the College. As a matter of fact there was a
Senior Fellowship claimed by Mr. Price on the ground that
Mr. Thomas was married, and had so forfeited it according
to the statute, but the official interpretation, as he had been
married long before the promulgation, was held to save him
from the forfeiture. ^ There were also accusations ot
malversation against both Vice- Provost and Bursar, of neglect
of duty, and disregard of natives by the fellows ; moreover, not
one of the staff at this period appears as an author or eminent
teacher. The chapter on the choice of a Provost says that
cateris paribus an alumnus is to be preferred to a stranger.
There was little chance of this suggestion being adopted
honestly, when we compare the eminence of Bedell with the
obscurity of his staff. The popular man in the College who
was again elected when Bedell resigned was Robert Ussher,
but his great cousin in recommending him has little to say of
his learning or his eloquence. Ambrose Ussher was still alive,
but evidently no longer employed in the College. He died
suddenly in 1629, the last of the old Society of better days.
I have found indirect evidence that James Ussher felt this
decadence, for he no longer entrusted lads of importance to
his old College. There are letters to him from Exeter
College, whither he had sent James Dillon, his relative, and
whom the rector, evidently proud of such an honour, proposes
to take into his own chamber. He is to associate with three
sons of earls, and with the son of Lord Caulfield, an Irish peer
and a member with Ussher of the Privy Council in Dublin.^
There was evidently no tutor in Trinity College to whom
Ussher would now entrust the education of a youth under his
» Reg., 18, » Ussher, Works, xv. pp. 417, 419.

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 201

care. He was a timid man, who would not face the odium of
mending things by a trenchant visitation, but he must often
have suggested to Abbot and to Laud, now Bishop of London,
and rapidly rising in power, the reform of the Irish University.
The disorders of the students, so far as we know them from
Bedell's diary of punishments, were trivial in comparison with
those of the fellows, but there was one fraught with such
consequences to the city that it is well worth studying in
some detail. We find in Gilbert's Records of Duhl'in^ an entry
of a lease by the Corporation to Alderman Arthur of a strip
of land running along the west wall of the College, for the
purpose of building. Such a grant was one step towards
turning the common ot Hoggen Green into streets, producing
ground-rent to the city, and there is evidence in resolutions of
the citizens 2 that it was against the feelings of those who
desired to keep open places of recreation to the inhabitants of
the city. S. Stephen's Green, and the broad expanse of
Blackball Place (Oxmantown Green), show how far this
jealousy of old rights produced its effect. But Hoggen Green,
now already sometimes called College Green, was in more
imminent danger. Great people had obtained plots on each
side of it, and men of influence in the city like Arthur were
making further encroachments with the consent of those who
wished to raise the revenues of the city. But no sooner did
Arthur, in the spring of 1629, set up hoardings to begin his
building, than the College protested to the Lord Deputy that
the proposed houses would interfere with the light and comfort
of the College, and stop a gate westward which they had intended
to make towards the city. They also petitioned the Corpora-
tion in a curious document printed in the appendix to this
chapter. The dispute was referred to a Commission of the
Privy Council, who recommended that Arthur should sell his
lease to the College. But upon his refusal the students sallied
out, and carried off the boards of the enclosure into the College.
^ Vol. iii. p. 207. ^ Above, p. 188.

202 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The Provost reprimanded them after Evening Chapel for this
violence, and ordered them to bring the w^oodvi^ork out of their
rooms into the court, w^here it was piled up in a great heap,
and a message sent to Arthur that he might take it aw^ay if he
chose. This he did after some hesitation. Nor did he feel
strong enough to take legal action against the College, whose
turbulent act must have had many sympathisers in the city.
But as he persisted in his refusal to sell, the ground remained
vacant. The memory too of this successful resistance to
encroachment was fresh for many long years, for in 1683^
we find allusion to the adjoining ground remaining vacant
owing to certain " turbulent scholars." It was not till that date
that the College petitioned the Corporation to break the lease,
now held by Arthur's descendants, on the ground of neglect of
conditions therein, and grant it to the College, which promised
to keep the thoroughfare from S. Stephen's Green to Lazy
Hill open, and the road in repair. Thus this piece of ground,
under condition of being planted and kept open westward for
the benefit of the citizens, became part of the College, and it
appears as the garden along the west front in the picture
annexed to Brooking's map (dated 1728). 2

These consequences are, however, long subsequent to the
days of this history. Suffice it here to say that if the College
owes the Corporation a great debt of gratitude for the gift of
its present site, the Corporation also owes the students ot the
College some consideration for saving it from its momentary
lapse in public spirit, and keeping open that central spot in the
present city, without which the great west front of the College,
and the splendid Parliament House, now the glory of archi-
tectural Dublin, would never have been undertaken.3

We can perceive Bedell's earnestness by the prompt way in
which he introduced improvements in the education of the

» Gilbert, Records, v. 274. ^ cf. Stubbs, 189.

3 The papers on this controversy (A iii, a, i, 2, 3, in the M. R.) are given
in the appendix to this chapter.

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 203

House. He not only instituted at once the speaking of Latin
at commons, which we may compare with the speaking of
French at girls' schools at meal-times nowadays, but he was
the first to give reality to the Royal desire regarding the
training of a clergy able to teach the natives in the Irish tongue.
Immediately upon his return (June, 1628) he directed "an Irish
lecture to be read publickly in the hall, when all the natives that
have the ;^3 a year are enjoined to be present ; as also at Irish
prayers in the chapell, upon holy days." ^ On the following
15th August it is ordered "that the natives lose their weekly
allowance, if they be absent from their Irish prayers upon the
Sunday," and in September, 1627, "an Irish chapter to be read
in the Testament, by one of the natives at dinner in hall ; and
so to continue between twelve of the most proficientest, until
the rest be able to perform it ; which we enjoin them all within
half a yeare, or, in default thereof,to be deprived of their natives'
stipend."

These entries make it plain that the better-paid place of
native scholar, who received a salary of ^^3 instead of the los. of
the rest, had not been honestly given away,^ and the study ot
the native language no more practised than it was at
Maynooth College, till the present century. The names
of the native scholars do not appear to be Irish (KerdifFe,
Conway, Baker, Davis, Burton are some of them), and the
scholarship exam, does not seem to have included any test in
that language, occasionally only does an unmistakable name
occur, such as Teig O'Heyne.

Being in earnest and a good linguist, Bedell gave the example

^ Reg., pp. 15, 17, 24.

"" The following note (P. B., 99 : " Je 26, 1628, the same day, the natives'
exercise was appointed for the first month to learne and write ye Ld :
Prayer " seems to show that the natives were either wholly illiterate, or
perfectly ignorant of Irish. A month at the Lord's Prayer seems otherwise
absurd. Twelve Testaments for the Irish were presented a few months
later by Sir William Ussher (P. B., 99b). Then service books are bought
and bound for the natives (ib,, 100).

204 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

by learning Irish himself, had advanced as early as March, 1628,
to Psalm 88 in his translation of the Psalms, which had not
been included in the Irish Book of Common Prayer, already
printed some years before.

All these facts are fully set forth in the lives of Bedell ; but
when the biographers add that he was warmly encouraged by
Archbishop Ussher, they seem to me not to understand the evi-
dence. The earlier history of the College shows plainly that
the greatest of the Anglo-Irish looked upon the native
language even still as a great obstacle to true religion and
civility. Their policy was to make English necessary, and
spread the knowledge of it through their benighted country.
The great founders, and Ussher with them, never thought of
establishing an Irish lecture, till urged to it by repeated
messages and orders from England. Both at this period, and
after the Restoration, it was from English, and not from Anglo-
Irish Provosts, that the impulse towards Irish studies arose.
Among all the languages which James Ussher knew, I cannot
find Irish enumerated, though we hear that his uncle, Henry
Ussher, could preach in the language. We hear of sporadic
cases of the favouring of Irish-speaking converts, and of
aspirants to orders, by James Ussher, but of any continued
efforts, like those of Bedell, there is no trace in his well-known
life or in his voluminous correspondence.

We turn, in concluding our account of Bedell's brief but
effective rule, to his Diary regarding the daily events in the
College. Signs of laxity in the teaching and discipline were
everywhere apparent. Here is a significant entry, July 16-18
(1627): 'At Examinations each forme censured. Agreed
that none shall ascend out of one forme to another, however
absent, till he' be examined.' The annual summer exami-
nation test for moving up a class had therefore been evaded,
and the teaching neglected. Various boys not students were
being fed in the kitchen, but were now " interdicted fire and
water, bread and beere " (ib., 100). Despite the ample income

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 205

of the College, the chest was in debt, rents were unpaid,
and sundry economies became necessary. The native places
were reduced to twenty. The Provost, with characteristic
honesty, set an example by undertaking to pay for his own
commons. An entrance fee in the form of argent was estab-
lished, or enforced. For an examination of the chest showed
that apart from arrears, and money which " was perhaps never
put in," there was ^^495 actually short of the money known to
have been received. It was apparently the alarm at this excess
of expenditure over apparent receipts that produced the disas-
trous petition (April 18, 1629) to be quit of arrears for the
Patent of the Chantry Lands, which ended in the loss of that
Patent (above, p. 118). The constant breaches of discipline,
fighting, haunting the town, &c., which are noted from day to
day are best explained by the following melancholy entry
(July II, 1629), "The fellow commoners complaint of
Mr. Price (Dean) for the forbidding them to play at bowles in
the orchards. They were blamed, and it was shown that by
Statute they might not play there." Here are the terms of
this fatuous prohibition repeated in the Caroline Charter :
Nulli lusus discipulis in area vel hortis Collegii permittantur^ and
this in the midst of a chapter threatening penalties for trans-
cending the walls, breaking the windows, robbing the orchards,
playing dice or cards, keeping sporting dogs, singing birds or
hawks, and pursuing field sports ; the boys were not even to
talk in the halls or court, except when they were drinking
their beer at merenda (breakfast). The following outrage is
peculiarly interesting, because the student acted strictly accord-
ing to a proclamation of the City Fathers : " Booth, for taking
up a pig of Sir Samuel Smith's and that openly in the day
tyme before many, and causing it to be dressed in town,

* The one exception was a theatrical representation by the students, to
which there are a few enigmatical allusions in the Registers, e.g., December
23 (1629) : "The Senior Sophisters exercise dominion over the junior sort
this Christmas, a comedy acted by them, and a play by y^ bachelors." But
even this was banished out of College by the next Provost (Stubbs, p. 63)

2o6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

inciting Mr. Rollo and Sir Conway, who knew not of it, con-
demned to be whipped openly in the Hall, and pay for the pig."^
There is not a word preserved of the lad's defence, but we can
supply it from the order quoted below, one of many similar in
the old Records of the Corporation.^

There was some debate between the Provost and the
Chancellor, whether students should be required always to
wear their gowns when they went, by permission of their
tutors, into Dublin. Bedell thought not, " because the streets
were very foul," the Archbishop suggested the undignified
alternative of " taking them under their arms." I presume,
from these gowns costing so much, that they were ampler
than they now are, and that he meant tucking them up under
their arm.

But Bedell's educational policy went farther and higher.
He felt that it was a narrow thing to confine the House to be
" a poor College of Divines," and promoted the study of both
Law and Medicine. There is even a proposal mentioned 3 to
found a College of Physicians in Dublin — an anticipation of
the idea carried out by John Stearne a few years later.

No precise statement is extant concerning any rapid increase
of students, owing to Bedell's excellent and enlightened reforms,
but we may infer it from many distinct signs. He approaches
the Chancellor on this point, whether it were not well to
admit to lectures students who are matriculated, even tJiough
they live with their parents in Dubliny thus opening the door to
a far-reaching change in the education of the college. This
points to an excess of students in residence, which was relieved,
or the relief at least attempted, by the founding of halls, to which

» P. B., 104-6^

= Gilbert, ii. 377 (1601) : " yf eny sovve, hogge, or pigge shalbe found or
sene, either by daye or nyght, in the streetes within the cittie walles, it
shalbe lawful! for everye man to kill the same sowe, hogge, or pigge, and
after to dispose the same at his or their disposition, without making
recompence to such as owneth the same."

3 S. P., 1626, p. 148.

BEDELL-ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 207

we shall return presently. Trinity Hall, to judge from a single
stray notice,^ still existed, but we have no mention of students
living in it. The increase of students must also depend to a
great extent on the prosperity of the Protestant plantation in
the north, and of this prosperity there is the most convincing
proof in the offers made to Bedell by the middlemen, such as
Lord Claneboy (Hamilton), Dr. Richardson, and others, whose
twenty-one year leases were drawing near to their close (1629
or 3o).2 All these people were now seeking renewals, and most
of them offering, when the College made difficulties, to double
their rents.3 Such offers speak for themselves, and must have
made Bedell feel that whatever his difficulties had been, owing
to the neglect or dishonesty of the previous management, the
College would presently not only be solvent, but rich.

Yet all these healthy symptoms were accompanied by the
growth of a counter-influence likely to destroy not only the
College but the whole plantation, if not stayed. This was the
increasing power and pretensions of the Popish priests, Jesuits,
and friars, whom the weak policy of Charles, and still more his
marriage with a Roman Catholic princess, were encouraging
with the prospect of State connivance, if not toleration. These
missionaries, whose zeal deserves our admiration, had hitherto
been content to deter the youth of Ireland from going to
the dangerous College, and in this they had to a great extent
succeeded. Now we hear for the second time 4 of an
offensive movement, and an attempt to seduce young men
from Trinity College to escape to Spain for their education.
On April 2, 1629, Bedell notices that "the proclamation
against Priests and Jesuits came out ; " it seems not to have
been too soon, so far the College was concerned, for in the
July of the same year 5 we have the interesting inquiry

* P. B., 104 b. "^ Cf. especially Reg., p. 23, for these offers.

3 Cf. P. B., pp. 102-3.

^ I think the older evidence (above, p. 32) doubtful and at all events from
a hostile source. s p. b., 104.

208 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

into the conduct of three students — TrafFord, Walworth
and Smith — whose irregularities in going into the city and
" frequenting suspected houses " seemed to arise from some
more serious cause than mere idle amusement. These
students, and one Camber Griffiths, were examined by the
Dean (Bedell had appointed but one Dean in his statutes), and
the Provost, and confessed that they had been at the house or
Bodkin, a broken merchant, and a Galway man, where they
had met two friars named Birmingham and Plunkett — both
names of old gentry of the Pale — and one Nugent, who plied
them with arguments in favour of Popery, and offered to
convey them secretly and safely to Galway, and thence to
Spain. The depositions of the young men (August 7, 1629)
are preserved i and are highly interesting in their details. I
print that of Smith, which is the fullest, in the appendix to
this chapter. We can still identify the house of Plunkett in
Lower Bridge Street, and can stand in the little court within,
now paved, but in those days an arbour, of which more anon
(p. 215). The lads did not know that Nugent was an active
Capuchin, working with Plunkett for the transportation and
education of students abroad.^ Neither did they know that
round about the arbour was a College of Capuchins and a Mass
House, which was seized by the Government a few months
later, perhaps owing to this very evidence.

In these latter days, when we read the Roman Catholic
bishops' fulminations against proselytising as a crime,3 it is well
for the historian to remind his readers that so long as men
believe that their own creed is the only way of salvation, they
will move heaven and earth to make one proselyte. Nor will
they admit that the means they employ can be reprehensible,
provided the grand object of saving souls is attained. There

^ M. R., Box A iii., c. i and 2.

= This appears from a curious paper which got into Wentworth's pos-
session, described in the S. P. for 1634, p. 37.

3 E.g.y the daily papers in Dublin of December 22, 1902, contain a
document of this kind from Archbishop Walsh.

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 209

follows even naturally the absurd consequence, that what
each side does zealously as a religious duty is imputed to its
opponents as a crime.

But while the Papist side were now strenuously pursuing this
course at the risk of persecution and death, we do not hear any
self-congratulations from the heads of Trinity College that they
have reclaimed many of the recusant youth and brought them
within the pale of the State Church. A few cases of priests
converted outside, and obtaining on that ground support in the
College, or promotion to a living, are recorded. Controversial
lectures were constantly given, as they are now, to the Divinity
students, but the saving of souls by " practising " does not
seem to have been in fashion in the College. Meanwhile the
feeble and spasmodic action of the Irish Government towards
the recusants and the Romish clergy was doing its natural
work, in spite of the protests of Falkland and other experienced
men ; the Irish officials were for strong and thorough measures,
but were restrained by the king and his Privy Council. "The
things we wish to suppress," says Falkland,^ "are the extension
of the Papal jurisdiction, the erection of Colleges and the unlaw-
ful [monster] meetings, for which purpose we have issued the
accompanying proclamation : . . . fVe will meantime not
touch the secular priests^ or the abused laity^ except by the pro-
clamation ; but we hope to reform them. We look to your
Lordship for help in correcting the contagion of Popery, which
is always more apt to grow in peace than in war time, for
during war, the military and Protestant party has a free hand
to weaken and spoil the Papists " — a naive and interesting
admission of injustice. The accompanying proclamation com-
mands all colleges and monasteries of the Roman Catholic orders
to dissolve and separate upon pain of seizure and expropriation.

The practical results were of some importance to the

College. From this letter, and from many others of the period,

it appears that while the friars and seminaries were beguiling or

* S. P., April, 1629, p. 446.

P

210 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

exciting the populace with continual promises of Spanish
invasion, they saw (as they now do) that a quiet but zealous
propaganda, under the connivance of a weak Government, was
a far more successful policy. Bishop Bedell, when resisting the
impudent demand for a plurality of livings from Dean Bernard
(Ussher's chaplain), tells us that in his diocese there were
sixty-three Romish ecclesiastics for thirty-three of his Church ;
letters in the S. P. for 1630 (pp. 512-3) show that even the
Protestant plantation was not safe, for several Scotch noblemen
in Tyrone, notably the Earl of Abercorn, were Papists, held
great meetings of priests, and attended mass. The whole
desire of the king and his advisers was not to suppress these
things, but to obtain money from Ireland. It was believed
to be a rich country, yet did not pay its own expenses of
government ; if this could be remedied by indulging the
Papists to a certain point, well and good ; if subsidies could be
obtained from them without calling a Parliament, still better ;
but at any price, money must be raised. So the country was
in apparent peace, with the fires of rebellion suppositos cineri
doloso. But this peace was sufficient to encourage men to send
their sons to Trinity College.

Here are the judgments of two men, the one a veteran
politician, an astute man of the world, with a great fortune
consisting of Irish land and Irish manufactures. Lord Cork,
writing to Lord Dorchester,^ adds to an official letter these
reflections : —

" I cannot say — and no statesman in this age can say it — that I know
Ireland well. Bad communications and the Papist influence keep the
body of it estranged from us. But I have known Ireland for forty-
three years, and never saw it so quiet. What may be the intentions
of our never-sleeping enemy (Spain) I know not. . . The only present
danger is the priests, who communicate much with their brethren
abroad. The great lords of the Irish, who formerly had a great fol-
lowing, are all gone. The rebellious spirits have grown old and the

S. P., 1630, p. 589.

BEDELL-ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 211

kearne and horsemen are not to be seen, and have no arms. There
is no more barbarism and plunder. The Irish gentry have got
titles from the king, or by currency of law, and no longer depend
upon their great lords. If we have a few more years of peace I
think the king ought to be able to command a levy of English and
Irish, reformed in manners and religion, more powerful than any
force which the disloyal party could raise. There is a marvellous
change from the state of things which old inhabitants can remember.
Buildings and farming are improving, each man striving to excel the
other in fair building and furniture, and in husbanding, enclosing
and improving their lands. I wish there were foreign employment
to keep the well-born Irish youth busy, and trades to occupy the
young men of meaner sort." The walled towns are almost altogether
inhabited by the ancient English, and these old colonists are, I
think, more loyal than otherwise, and they like peace, which is good
for their trade and estates. Contentment is, in fact, general."

Lord Cork, then Lord Justice for Ireland with Lord Loftus,
had means of knowing all that ofHcial people knew in every
part of Ireland, together with his own intimate experience of
the south.

Here is a contemporary expression from a gay young noble-
man, Lord Conway, settled in the north near Lisburn (Lisna-
garvy). The letter is written to the same Lord Dorchester 2 : —

" This is a curious place, you will think me best in it. Two faces
are never alike. Greater stormes are not in any place, nor greater
serenities — foul ways, boggy ground, pleasant fields, waters, brooks,
rivers full of fish, full of game ; the people in their attire, fashion,
language, barbarous ; in their entertainment free and noble. I end
with the snatch of an old song —

Pone sub curru nimium propinqui
Solis in terra domibus negata."

Such was the general state of Ireland, and of the College,
when Bedell was promoted to the Sees of Kilmore and Ardagh,
and resigned his Provostship on September 18, 1629. The

^ The professions and Collegiate education were therefore no large
factor in the problem as he understood it.
2 S.P., 1630, p. 521.

212 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Lord Deputy had already informed the College of the king's
intention in the previous May,i and had warned them, as
usual, on no account to proceed to the election of his successor
till the king's pleasure be known. To this the fellows de-
murred so strongly that a deputation of them went to England
to move their friends at Court (among whom Sir James
FuUerton is mentioned perhaps for the last time), to assert the
sanctity of the Charter with its right of election vested in the
fellows. The effort was only partly successful ; the king
assured them that it was only from a sincere regard for the
good of the College that he insisted upon interfering, yet so far
yielded, that if their nomination received the approbation of
Primate Ussher, he would sanction it. The second nomination
of Robert Ussher proves his continued popularity, but also
perhaps the desire of the meaner section of the fellows to be
ruled by an easy-going man. For such the new Provost is said
to be even by his cousin, the Primate who recommended him.
In the entry of the Register (October 3, 1629) mentioning
his election by the fellows, two of them record their refusal to
subscribe to it. But we do not know whether this was owing
to the dictation of the Crown, which they desired to protest
against, or to their objections to the new Provost.2 He certainly
carried on zealously the policy of Bedell regarding the Irish
lecture, and regarding the general discipline of the College 3 ;

' Reg., p. 21.

" The fact that in the following February letters about the election are
sent to the Archbishop of Canterbury, the Bishop of London, and Sir James
Fullerton, points to the former alternative. Freedom of election in future
was evidently the grave question of the moment.

3 The best evidence of this is to quote a page (27) of the Register, which
exhibits some very quaint items : —

Jan. 30. The Batchellors absent from yesterday's Sermon are to make
a theame and ten disthicks of vses to y« Provost twice this forthnight.
So ye fellowe-comoners for y^ same reason are alike punished.

The Sophisters who ai-e adulti are to loose their adultiship. The
juniors who are not adulti are to be whipt.

Mr. Th. Andrews is to gett Perkins Catechisme w"* out booke, and is

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 213

in some respects we even see a Puritanical flavour in him,
when he objects to theatrical amusements inside College.
Another point in Bedell's policy, that students should be
allowed to live with their parents in the city while attending
lectures, was evidently not approved of by Robert Ussher, for
just after Bedell's resignation we find the order i " that all
schoUers and fFellowes commoners that lyeth abroad in towne
are to come into comons by Satturday next, or to loose the
benefitt of their chambers and studdyes in y® College." This was
probably a measure to prevent rooms from being held by non-
residents when there was increasing pressure for accommoda-
tion in the College. The obvious way of supplying the want,
by new buildings in the College, seems not to have been
mooted,2 for at this moment another very interesting solution
seemed possible, which belongs to the public history of the
time. Falkland's proclamation against the religious orders
having been quietly disregarded and he himself recalled, the
Lords Justices (Cork and Loftus) determined to take active

to repeate a principle evy 2^ day to y^ end of ye catechisme. The Bible
clearke shall examyn him openly at dinner tyme after grace ;

Jan. 31. The Butler admonisht for bad beare.

Feb. I. The manciple admonisht for bad meate.

Given by consent to a poore man for an almes lis.

Feb. 3. Geo. Berne, a late convert, a forward good scholar, and
altogether destitute of any friends, being recoiiiended unto us by the
Lo. Primate, hath his Comons allowed him untill the next election of
schoUers w'** this caveat that it be noe president for any others for the
time to come.

Feb. 17. The Fellows and SchoUers are to make vses for the Countess
of Corke's funerall. Sir Conway Tho. Andrews, and Charles and Adam
Loftus are to stand in y^ hall tomorrow w'*^ potts of water before y™- Sir
Conway is to gett Eccles. in hebrew and y* i book of Homer's Odysses.

Bolton and Andrews to declayme ag^' drunknes, and Loftus after dinner
to get Pkins' Catechisme, and withall none of them must keep company
together for a year's space.

^ Reg., 25.

* What use was now made of Trinity Hall we do not know. I can find
only one allusion to it at this time, Reg., August 3, 1629, " Dermoitt y«
Sadler denyed to build on Trinity Hall Wall."

214 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

measures, and on S. Stephen's Day, 1629, directed the Arch-
bishop and mayor and some officers to seize one of the mass
houses and lay hand upon the friars. They tried the experi-
ment on a house of Carmelites in Cook street. They were at
once resisted. The priests were saved by a mob which
gathered 3,000 strong, and stoned the mayor and Primate, so
that they had to take refuge in any house they could. ^
They were only saved from greater violence by the Lords Jus-
tices, who were returning from church with their retinue.
" Seventeen public houses of massing priests have been set up
in the four months which have elapsed since the proclamation,
four of several orders, collegiated in distinct houses, and one of
them Jesuits." 2 Xhe outrage led to further acts of repression.
The house in question was razed to the ground by the Lords
Justices,3 and a very prompt petition of the College (February
nth, Reg. 28) was entertained for one of the mass houses
which had been cleared of its clergy. On March 2nd Lord
Cork writes that two of these houses have been handed over
" to the Provost and Colledgioners of the College neere Dublin,
their own CoUedge being grown incapable to receive the number
of students resorting thither." 4 The Register says that " the
possession and custodium of two mass houses in Bridge Street,
and soon after one in y® Back Lane, was granted us." The
two Bridge Street houses, knocked into one house of residence,
were entitled S. Stephen's Hall — no one tells us why, but
possibly on account of the assertion of the law on that saint's
day which obtained it for the College — the second in Back

* The fullest account is in the curious book of J. Nalson, Foxes and Fire-
brands (1685).
» Wilmot to Dorchester, S. P., 1629 (O.S.), January 6th.

3 The order was given by the English Council at the request of the
Lords Justices. This house in Cook Street, of which the site is still quite
clear, communicated at its back with the house in Bridge Street given to
the College. The document F 64 in the M. R. recites the grant of the
house in Bridge Street on the previous 15th of March, and grants (May
19th) the Jesuit house in Back Lane.

4 S. P., 1629, p. 522.

BEDELL— ROBERT US S HER (1626-34) 215

Lane, being the property of the Earl of Kildare, was named
Kildare Hall. The sites are easily determinable. A small
iron gate in Lower Bridge Street (east side) leads into a little
court, now surrounded with old houses and in tenements.
Another similar gate leads in from Cook Street, the old
Carmelite house just mentioned, over which is now a large
inscription of Roman Catholic Schools y founded in 1758, showing
that the property long remained in Recusant hands. The
other is the very similarly situated Tailors' Hall in Back Lane,
to which an iron gate through the houses leads, so that it is
hidden from the thoroughfare. That these houses were not
intended as new Colleges, but mere halls in connection with,
and controlled by, Trinity College, appears from the following
important letter ^ : —

"July 27, Trinity College.

^^ Provost Ussher of Trinity College, Dublin, to the Bishop of London.

" The Lords Justices have been pleased as we have so little room
here to answer the great resort of scholars coming hither out of
England and all the parts of this kingdom, to give us two of the
superstitious houses lately seized by the King. We have settled
several scholars in them according to the enclosed scheme. We
should be very glad if in the event of a new plantation, the King
would grant some lands for maintaining this house, and would ease
us of charge for some arrears of rent due upon some Chantry lands
which we got from King James, but of which we have not ever yet
made any profit or indeed got possession, in spite of a lawsuit and
other means adopted to get it. We hope the King will carry out the
undoubted intentions of his father by enabling us to continue solvent
and comply with these requests. Wherein I, in the name of this
society, do humbly beg your noble favour unto this poor house, as
heretofore we have continually tasted, and in all humility shall remain
— Your honour's most obliged servant, Robert Ussher."

Here is the scheme :

July 17.
I. Project for settling scholars in the House of Back Lane, granted
to the College by the Lords Justices and Council.

S. P., 1630, p. 560.

2i6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

(i) The undersigned think that the best course is that the first
class which is in Trinity College be sent thither yearly, wherein they
are to continue for the space of two years to be instructed in the
Greek and Hebrew tongues, in Rethoricke and Logicke, and after
they are to return to ye College to learn other sciences, and leave it
indifferent for the Fellow Commoners to go or stay.

(2) We hold it fitting that any of the scholars sent thither should
be allowed to sit for scholarship in the College at the times of elections.

(3) The tutor should have £E. 2 per annum from every Fellow
Commoner for tuition and £E. 1 from every scholar or pensioner.

(4) Every Fellow Commoner shottld, we think, pay 2/., and every
pensioner or scholar £E. i per annum towards " reparations, utensils
and officers."

(5) A Rector should be set over this house and should be respon-
sible to the Provost of the College and the Vice-Chancellor for its
Government and expense. His salary should be paid out of the
money subscribed by the Fellow Commoners and Pensioners towards
the maintenance of officers.

(6) There should be a steward to provide bread, beer, victual,
utensils, and necessaries for reparations of the house. His wages
should arise from the stipend of the Fellow Commoners and
Pensioners.

(7) All the lecturers and the steward of the house should be
chosen by the Provost as is the use in the College.

(8) We conceive it is most necessary that all the students should
be kept diligently to their books in the public place appointed for
lectures from 7 of the clock in the morning, and from 1 till 5 in the
afternoon by their several lectures.

Robert Usher, pro.

Rich. Jordan. ^ Fellows

Joseph Travers. ,, y ' . Primates aMroba-

David Thomas. I \^ ^9^'^ t^nmatts approba-

Will. Fitzgerald. \ \'%,l' ^" ^^ "^^^ ''^' ^/ ^^
Thad. Lishagit). J ^^^J'
On back. 17 July 1639.

This order for disposing scholars in the New House, I hold to be
very convenient, and if any Fellows object to it as drawing their
pupils from them and diminishing their fees, I hope that the Lords
Justices will interpose to take order that the private profit of a few
shall not give impediment to the public good, whereof many, by God's
blessing, are like to be partakers. J a. Ardmachanus.

An entry in the Register of July ist shows that the matter had
been under discussion in the College. The Provost and fellows

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 217

have lent ^20 for the furnishing of the new hall. It is further
agreed that the two last classes (Z.^., juniors) shall "remayne
there for two yeres (except fellow comoners) the Rector is to be
their Tutor and out of the stipend of y^ schollars and fellow-
corhoners the steward is to have £^o per an. as he is
manciple cooke butler and porter." The rest to be given to
the Rector.

There follow on August 8th, "the Rector's place in the
New CoUedge is elective yearly, and Mr. Boswell is elected
this year." And on September 14th the (to me) enigmatical
entry : " Sir Gun and Sir Brererton appointed M'' in
Bridge Street are allowed 12 artists [xzV] to reade to y"
and their place is elective yearly." Further on in the Reg.'
we find : —

"Sir Harrison by consent of the Board and major part of the
Senior Fellows was appointed lecturer of all the schollers (under-
graduates) in the house in Bridge Street, and is to receive quar-
teridge from them accordingly. And it was for this consented and
agreed upon that he should have from each ffellow-comoner and
pentioner there studyinge such rent quarterly for their Chambers
and studyes as is payd by ffellow-comoners and pentioners out of
their Chambers and studyes here in this Colledge, viz., 3s. 4d. per
quarter for a ffellow-comoner, and is. 8d. per quarter for a
pentioner."

Thus, by a side wind, we learn what no other entry of the
time tells us, that the students in College had not only cham-
bers (for sleeping, probably holding several lads), but studies,
and that for these they paid the rent above named. But it
is also evident from James Ussher's endorsement that there
was opposition to this extension into halls, and that there were
tutors who then made considerable profit by the overcrowding
of the College. Sir William Brereton^ found about eighteen
scholars in Bridge Street in July, 1635. Other details are
given from the accounts of 1630 by Dr. Stubbs.3

» p. 43, Ap. 18, 1634. ^ op cit, p. 142. 3 Hist, p. 63.

2iS AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The evidence at this moment points to Kildare Hall as
being the more important of these halls. It had a Rector,
and Lord Cork endowed a theological lecture there on
Tuesdays, which he and the Court used to attend. We have
in the S. P. of the year 1630 (p. 509) a remarkable letter from
Lord Cork (to Dorchester), wherein he says, in explaining his
own vigorous action, that the respectable Roman Catholics or
the country are hostile to the Friars, and think they should be
put down, adding :

" They have Dublin in their hands at present, are masters of the
walls, and have found a secret way by which at full tide or low tide
they can bring what men they like into the city. There are two
posterns by which such men can be introduced, and their houses
can contain 5,000 of them. The Jesuits' house owned and claimed
by the Dowager Countess of Kildare (being one of the ten seized
into His Majesty's hands), is a new-erected and goodly fabric, the
chapel whereof, which her ladyship calls her hall (though neither
chimney, table, nor window that any may look out of) is 75 feet
long by 27 broad. It is seated round about, with an altar with
ascents, a curious pulpit and organs, and four places for confession
neatly contrived, galleried above round about with rails and turned
ballasters, coloured, a compass roof, a cloister above with many
other chambers, all things most fair and graceful, like the ban-
quetting house at Whitehall, and ways out of their house to the town
walls, turrets and flankers at their command."

Brereton, visiting this house, after he had seen that in Bridge
Street, gives a briefer but perfectly consistent account.

The annals of the College are in other respects very meagre
under Robert Ussher's government. Here is an entry perhaps
characteristic of it (1632) : " It is agreed that every one under
the degree of Master of Arts (Noblemen's sonnes and Privie
Counsellours' heyrs excepted) shall in token of his respect to
the Provost bare his head when he shall see him in the inner
quadrangle." There was a quarrel over the appointment
of a new auditor in place of Sir James Ware, who had proved
unsatisfactory, and so the Provost's desire to appoint Ware's

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 219

son failed, and the fellows audited for themselves. There
was an agitation about the election to fellowship of William
Newman, a person of injfluence, who, being once rejected,
thought it beneath his dignity to compete again, but obtained
a mandate from the Lords Justices, countersigned by the
Primate. This last signature, which surprises us, was coupled
with the threatening letter from the Kingi : "And for whose
(Newman's) election you the Provost and some others con-
sented, only some that combine themselves to oppose govern-
ment opposed : We therefore, resolving hereafter to have the
proceedings of such opposers examined, and censured as it shall
deserve, do require and comand you so to elect the sayd
William Newman." So he was elected, and seems to have
been accepted quietly, being an alumnus and M.A., and not
a stranger imposed on the Society.

However, when such interferences were tolerated, we are
not surprised to find the Primate, upon the death of Abbot,
procuring the appointment of Laud, already Chancellor of
Oxford and undertaking great reforms there, as Chancellor
of Trinity College. He had Robert Ussher on his side ; also
the Professor of Divinity, Joshua Hoyle, one of Alvey's im-
portations from Oxford long ago, and now holding a high place
both in the College and as a preacher in S. Werburgh's. But
the Primate adds that some of the Fellows are so factious that
nothing could please them that came from their superiors. 2
So Laud was elected by the Provost and Senior Fellows,
according to their Charter, on September 4, 1633. More-
over, the appointment of Wentworth as Lord Deputy had
already been decided upon — the two strongest men in
England, bound together by ties not only of public policy
but of private friendship, were now to control both the
Church and the University in Ireland. The removal of
Robert Ussher was effected by a modest promotion to the
Archdeaconry of Meath, and afterwards to the See of Kildare.
* Reg., 39. » Works, XV. 398.

220 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

His actual resignation was dated August ii, 1634; but his
influence upon the history of the College was already effaced
by the advent of greater forces. The only personal trait I
can quote to give the reader an image of the man is his
curiously bombastic letter and verses to his cousin James
Ussher.

APPENDIX I.

Letter of R. Ussher to Jas. Ussher {Works, xv. 95).

Duas fulgentes et insignes Stellas, vir ornatissime, firmamcnto
nostras ecclesiae nuper decessisse, Cimmeriae, et horrendae, quibus
miserrima haec insula, et in occasum vergens Academia involvuntur
tenebrae promulgant : ad quas dispellendas te fulgenti scientiarum
splendore omnibus praslucentem, admirabili morum candore corrus-
cantem, summoque honore coronatum, Deus elegit, ut studiorum
tuorum habenas, ad emolumentum nostrae Ecclesiae Babylonica
superstitione infectae, ad salutem patriae mentis caecitate laborantis,
et ad dignitatem Academiae in praecipitem ruinam irruentis, expedite
flectes. Miseris succurrere te didicisse, ter nobilis ilia pugna nun-
quam satis laudanda nuper cum superba, et septemplici Romanae
gentis hydra, sub Christi vexillo inita, pro maturata aetate, ac illibata
despectae Ecclesiae castitate, palam testatur ; quam pasne oblivio,
vel potius cruenta tyrannorum rabies etiam spirantem absorbuit et
sepelivit. Perpetuas hujus peregrationes, duraque exilia, terribilem
Draconis faciem fugientis, ab ultima antiquitate, qua incunabulis
f uerat, ad nostra fere tempora vivis coloribus depinxisti. Nunc igitur
facessant nostris finibus mendaces Romanae synagogae Cretenses,
quos olim abyssus turmatim evomuit, facessant (inquam) non sine
hac novitate, qua perfidam, et obscaenam Babyloniae meretricem
salutent : ferreo tui ingenii ariete Antichristiani regni fundamenta
concussa, vel potius convulsa, nova restauratione indigere ; veram
Christi sponsam demum tenebrosis umbris extulisse caput; teque
istius gravissimae controversiae et contentionis palmam reportasse.
Hinc omnes, quos liber tuus, varia sane lectione et doctrina per-
politus, vel saltem ejus fama a limine salutavit, uno ore te solum in
hac materia Apollinis lyram attigisse, constanter perhibent ; hoc idem
insignis tua fama stipulatur, quae nuUam Europas partem insalutatam
reliquit, idem industriae et ingenii tui foetus, quem omnes avide

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 221

arripiunt, summoque prosequuntur amore. Filium equidem parentis
causa omnes fovent, parentem filii gratia omnes admirantur ; sic
cunctos te cum admiratione amare, cunctosque te cum amore ad-
mirari facile percipias. Immortales Deo grates, propterea quod te
per devios antiquorum campos vagantem in penetralia suae veritatis
deduxit, benignitatis suag thesauros tibi aperuit, teque patriae in-
columem, patriamque tibi restituit : tibique, amantissime sobrine,
justissimas habeo gratias, quas me tibi diu debuisse immensa tua
erga me gratia comprobat : cujus cubiculum tuum mihi creditura
minimam non esse tesseram ingenue fateor. Sed ne chartacea
base salutatio te gravissimorum negotiorum mole obrutum, molestia
afficiat, vela contrahem ; hoc interim ab te flagitarem, et hoc
audaciae meae symbolum, pariterque amoris, serena humanitatis
fronte accipias.

tuae salutis, et f elicitatis studiosissimus,

Rob. Usserus.

[The letter unfortunately has no date, but is put by the Editor
among those of 1616.]

Then follows :

ad obscaenam mcretricem septem insidentem
montibus, de tuo libro carmen.

Frigore cur pavido trepidas, Babylonica Thais,
Cur trepidae prasbes turpia terga f ugae ?

Fluctibus Hesperiis emergit lucida stella
Qua veniente fugis, quaque oriente cadis.

Purpuream lucem vitat caligo profunda

Dagon sic arcam concidit ante Dei
Hac radiante patent cunctis genitura nefanda

Gorgoneusque tuus partus, uterque parens,

Mordaces anni, violataque faedera lecti
Et Stygio suboles carcere spurca fluens

Fulgenti nuper cecidit tua gloria caelo
Nunc eadem terris in loca nigra cadit.

[We may well wonder how James Ussher preserved this, we hope
undergraduate, effusion among his serious correspondence.]

222 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

APPENDIX 11.^

To the Right Worshipful our good Benefactors the Major, Sheriffes,
Aldermen and Comon Council of y^ Citty of Dublin.

We, the Provost, ff ellows and schollers of Trinity Colledge nere
to this Cittie, humbly show to y"^ Wo' : That wheras a certayne en-
closure is begu to be made upon a peece of ground, nere to y* gate
of y^ said Colledge w^ an intencon to build thereupon (as is
already signified to y® right Hon^'* the lord Deputy of this king-
dome) which is like to be verie pjudiciall to the sayd Colledge, as
well in stopping up the ordnary way wherby they doe now bring all
their provision of coales, sand and other like carriages from y®
water's syde ; and water for their brueing ; as also in taking in
the passage where aunciently there was a gate and way leading
into the scite of the house where the Colledge is built ; which they
have resolved to renew to avoyd the coming in of horses and hoggs
from y^ greene into the Court of y® Colledge upon the ordinary
opening of their great gate. And further by stopping or straighten-
ing the water course which ruileth along by the wall of the Colledge,
whereby upon any outrageous fflood the walls wilbe borne downe
as happened in the same place which is now inclosed about eight
years since, although the same was not then soe straight as it is like
to be by building upon it and inclosing it. And lastly inasmuch
as the building being in all likelihood for mean people, wilbe too
neere a receipt for y*' scholars of y^ said house, and pjudiciall to y®
manners of y^ students ; as gehally of y^ whole kingdome ; soe
among others which are y^ youth of this Citty brought up in y^ said
Colledge, of which number there are at this pfit above XX the most
whereof doe also receive maintenance from y^ said House. The
Peticoners soe humbly desyre that the said inclosure may not be
pmitted to proceed, and doe offer to levele y® said ground at their
own charge, and to enlarge y^ Causey which is sett w'' stone fro the
Colledge gate to y® citty w''out inconvenience to any, and to y®
ornament of y^ said citty and Colledge. And they shall daily pray
for y^ peace and welfare of y^ said citty, and y« blessing of God
upon y^ governmfit and inhabitants of y^ same.

^ M. R., A. III. a, and cf. Gilbert, Dublin Records, III. 207, and Reg.
p. 15. {Summer 1628, exact date uncertain.)

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 223

To the Right Hon^^^ Lord Deputy and the High Council of this
Kingdom.

The humble Petition of the Provost Fellows and Scholars of Trinity
College near Dublin/

Humbly sheweth, that whereas of late an inclosure near to the gate
of the said College hath been set up with purpose to build there-
upon concerning w'^'^ your suppliants petitioned to the Citty (that it
might not proceede) showing the wrong and great inconveniences
which would grow thereby to the said College. Which petition
was referred to be considered by certain persons named by the
Citty and the (worke) for a time left off. Till now within these 3
days the sayd inclosure is afresh set up and in part upon the ground
of the sayd College to the great nuisance of the same.

It may please your Honors : Inasmuch as the protection of the said
College is by their charter in special manner recommended to your
honors and that some disorder (which your petitioners shall not be
able to prevent) may (otherwise) happen if the sayde inclosure
should be thrown down by the unruly multitude of the scholars of
the said College, to inhibit the said inclosure and building until the
inconveniences thereof shall by your wisdomes be considered. And
they shall ever pray for the peace of this Kingdom and your Honors'
prosperity.

Ulto January 1628.

We pray and require the Lord Primate the Lord Archbishop of
Dublin the Lord Dillon and the Lord Docwra or any three of them
that view the place where the inclosure within mentioned is
intended to be sett up and having considered of the inconveniences
ptended to arise thereby to your Petitioners to certifie unto us their
opinions concerning the same. And in the mean tyme the sayd
worke is to be stayd whereof we require all persons whom it
may concern to take notice and to forbear proceeding therein

accordingly.

H. Falkland

T. LoFTUS, Chan'.

Hon. Valentia More Dom Kilmallock

R. Ranelagh
Balfour Arth. Midensis

W. Caulfield E. Blayney

Shurley Laur. Esmonde.

^ The words in brackets are inserted above the line.

224 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

19 Feb. 1628.
May it please your Lordships : Upon view of the inclosures in the
petition mentioned and examination of the Nuisances arising to the
Petitioners by the going forward of the work, we are of opinion it
would proove very inconvenient and prejudicial to the College and
for ought yet appearing a wrong and incroachment uppon their
rights that the intended building should be raised in that place, it
being proved before us in [presence] of the several pties interested
that by the said building a passage would be taken in where
anciently there was a gate or way leading into the site of the said
College ; and although for the present stopped up the Petitioners
allege they intend to renew and open again for divers necessary uses.
Wherefore after we had in obedience to your Lordships' commands
informed ourselves the best that we could of the true state of the
difference, we propounded diverse meanes of a friendly accord for
preventing all further contestations between your Petitioners and
the Defendant Robert Arthur merchant who hath gotten the lease
from the City of the said inclosed piece of ground at y® rent of 3^ 4"*
per annum. But for the time we could not prevaile with the s^
Defendant to listen to any composition. Yet at a second meeting
between them before two of us the Referees, at which the Mayor
with divers Aldermen and citizens were present, the said Arthur
and Petitioners by mutual consent submitted themselves to an
agreement then moved, viz., that the said Arthur should sell and
make over unto the Petitioners all his whole interest in the said
inclosed ground, for such a price as should be awarded him by two
to be chosen of either side for that purpose and in case the said
orderers did not agree thereon, that then the Right Hon', the Lord
Chancellor should as umpire lay down the same and thereby con-
clude all parties. Which agreement notwithstanding it was so
solemnly assented to on both sides your Petitioners complain that
the said Arthur doth fly from and now standeth upon terms as at
first. All which we humbly leave to your Lordships' honorable
consideration.

Jas. Armachanus
J. S. Dillon
Henry DocWRA.

This refference was retourned to my L. Primate and at his lodging
here April 2° delivered.

Memorandum upon the 2/^" of Feb^ at night betweene supper and
prayers tyme the schollers of the Colledge pulled downe the poles

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 225

and railes which were standing upon the ground, and there being 2
pistolls shot of, the noise whereof was heard into the Provost's
Lodging. The Provost going to chappell met a htle boy of the City
with 2 pales in his hands (going out of the Coll.) who sayd a
scholler had given them to him. Whereupon the Provost after
prayer blamed the disord'' and wished that whosoever had any of
the pales or timber they should lay it in the quadrangle in the Court
that the owner might have his own. The next morning there was a
pile set up in the midst of the quadrangle besides divers posts and
pieces here and there. The next morning word was sent to Mr.
Arthur by Sir Kerdiff, one of the City, that there was much of his
tymber layd in the College Court and if it pleased him he might
send for it away. Which same thing was given notice of by the
Provost meeting his brother in the way to St. Patrick's Church the
same day. At evening he sent for the timber away.
Jan. 31.

(Endorsed) The humble Petition of the Provost and Scholars
of Trinity College of Queen Elizabeth near Dublin.

APPENDIX III.

The Examination of William Smith, August 7, 1629.

[The variants of Walworth's evidence are given in notes.]

He saith he and Wall worth first met with Mr. Bodkin at Mr.
Cullen his house in Castle street about the last of July, whom they
considering to be a man of good parts and very fair carriage and
perceiving him to be a traveller fell into discourse with him. Mr.
Bodkin perceiving them to be scholars of this College, entered into a
high commendation of Spain of Civill'y especially of the Colleges
therein, commending their lives, their strict form of government
and the books which they use, which discourse continued long till
they parted that night. Upon Saturday the first of August, they
met again ith' evening when their discourse was much to the same
purpose ; that night they lay there. Upon Monday the 3rd of Aug.
they met again and then both of them made their desires known
and their grievances unto Bodkin, affirming that they were troubled
in conscience about their religion, whereupon Bodkin offered them
his best endeavours for their satisfaction in any scruple that arose
unto them, whereupon he procured them an access to a friar, one
Plunkctty who labored to encourage them in their intended resolu-

Q

226 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

tion of being Roman Catholics, but resolved them in their doubts
(according to his abihty) very slenderly. The same afternoon they
met again, and [he brought them to friar Nugent, who W.] demanded
whether they were constant in their resolution and what was the
cause of their revolt, they to indeare themselves unto him, tould him
that they were fully resolved in their course, and the causes them
moving were some errors maintained in the religion of the Protes-
tants and the great disagreement between them ; Nugent replied
upon this answer very discreetly and with reasons which seem unto
him very weighty. The same afternoon by the help of the said
Bodkin they were brought to one Friar Barnewell, a Capucine,
who discoursed (as he conceives) very learnedly of the non erra-
bilyty of the Church, producing arguments against the Lord Primate
very sollidly, and thus having promised them a pardon fro the
greatest censures of the Church and having promised them a form
of confession for a reconcilement to their church they parted.

Upon the 4th of August Bodkin brought them to Plunkett and
father Browne, the Provincial of the Carmelites, as he takes, with
whom they had some discourse to little purpose, but fair encourage-
ment, and thus they parted. The same afternoon as they were going
to Father Bath (?) they met with Nugent, who brought them to one
Mr, Plunkett's house in Bridg Street, where he used the con-
veniency of an arboure in the garden for their better privacy ; being
thus accommodated he fell into dispute of certain points contro-
verted between the Protestants and Papists, viz., of the Sacrament
of the Altar ; of the Supremacy of the Pope ; of the mariage of
Priests ; of the translation of the Bible, of which and many others
he discoursed very largely, commending him in his objections, as if
the hope were the greater which he conceived of his conversion.
Then commending unto him Spain and the College there together
with their exquisite government and form of discipline and having
intreated him very courteously, he wished him to address himself
often unto him, who (as he saith) was exceedingly tender of his case
and exceedingly solicitous to lay downe a safe course for the accom-
plishing of his intended journey for Spaine.

And as for Bodkin in all these passages he behaved himself with
all love and courtesy,^ offering them the command of his horse for
their conveyance to Galloway,^ whither if need were he promised to
accompany them and to make them acquainted with the friars there,

^ Labouring to have the plott compassed with all secrecy for their
sakes (W.).
" From whence there went shipping daily to Spaine (Walworth),

BEDELL— ROBERT USSHER (1626-34) 227

and that he would furnish them with horses to ride up and downe
the country for their pleasure, and for their procuring of the benevo-
lence of well disposed Catholicks, bearing them in hand that they
should not want for anything and that when they should be resolved
for their intended voyage, that he would procure them the con-
veniency of a ship in which they should be transported for Spain or
France as they should desire.

This I do affirm, as witness my hand,

William Smith.

CHAPTER VI

CHAPPELL AND THE CAROLINE STATUTES (1634-40)

The promotion of Laud to the English Primacy and or

Wentworth to be Lord Deputy were of mighty import to

the history of Ireland, and in the history of Ireland Trinity

College played no insignificant part. The whole country was

in great need of social and religious amelioration, and in this

the College must co-operate. Critics alleged that hitherto it

had failed to supply the country with a learned and zealous

clergy, and that so it had missed its main purpose. But in

the many complaints brought against individual bishops and

clergy for simony, for neglect, for malversation of Church

property, I cannot find the Fellows presented to College

livings or promoted to bishoprics among the culprits. They

were no doubt inefficient in preaching to the Irish in the

native tongue ; they were most probably infected by the

abuses which they saw around them, but the great culprits,

the men who ruined the influence of the reformed Church

in Ireland, were either the Irish priests, whose conformity was

dishonest, and who made away with the property of their sees

or livings for the purpose of endowing the Romish faith,

or else the numerous English adventurers, not students of

Trinity College, who came to Ireland for the purpose

of plunder, and were not ashamed of holding a number

of benefices, without residing in, or caring for, any of them.

228

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 229

How deep-rooted these malpractices were appears from the
honest efforts of Bedell to reform them in Kilmore, and
the resistance offered by men like Bernard, Ussher's chaplain,
without censure from the Primate. But there is no reason
to think that many respectable and resident rectors had not
been sent out from the College to its livings in the north.
As far as the gentry of the country were concerned, they
had begun to send their sons freely to Dublin for education.
Lord Falkland (as we said above, p. 84) had a son there ;
Lord Cork (in 1630) sent two sons; Lord Docwra had sent
two sons long before, and among less known names, the
number of donations of plate, with the name and arms of
the donor, shows that fellow commoners, of families with
the privilege of escutcheons, were coming up in increasing
numbers. Even from Cheshire and from Wales students
came over, and the list of fellows and scholars shows many
unmistakably Welsh names.

So far the College was distinctly prosperous, and increasing
in popularity, yet observers as competent as Primate Ussher,
and even under the Provostship of his cousin, complain that
the discipline among the fellows was bad, and that factious
opposition was constantly made to any enforcing of strict rules.
This was his reason for proposing Laud as the new Chancellor,
a move he must afterwards have bitterly regretted. The
Provost had no power to punish except with the consent of
four Senior Fellows ; this majority could not elect without
the consent of the Provost ; thus a deadlock in the constitu-
tion was constantly impending, and was only avoided by
avoiding the enforcement of unpopular duties. Ussher, there-
fore, was clearly in favour of a strong Provost, with greater
powers than the statutes allowed.

But Laud and Wentworth had an additional policy to
promote, for which such reforms were merely a convenient
lever, and this policy they concealed from Ussher. Both
Laud and Wentworth were clear-sighted enough to see that

230 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

the real obstacle to the assertion of absolute royalty lay not in
the Roman Catholic but in the Puritan opposition. The
assertion of the right of private judgment against the dictates
of authority, in faith, naturally suggested a similar assertion in
politics, and as this revolt against the Stuart notions of the
Royal Prerogative was rife in Scotland, its proximity to
Ireland, and to the many Scotch settlers, not only in the
Plantation but even more in Antrim and Dow^n, might lead
to a dangerous increase of the Puritan opposition. Even the
Church of Ireland had been trained, so far as Trinity College
could do it, in the creed of Puritanism, and had already assumed
that strictly Evangelical complexion which it has retained to
the present day. In order to stay this danger, Bramhall was
brought over by Wentworth and made Bishop of Derry, from
which he could supervise and report on the north, and insist
upon that distinction between Churchman and Dissenter
which Ussher would willingly and wisely have overlooked.
The policy of Laud and Wentworth in matters ecclesiastical,
carried out now for a short while by Bramhall, interrupted by
rebellion and war, but resumed again by him as Primate at the
Restoration, was the policy which created the deep chasm
between the Protestant communions of the north, subsisting
to this day, and working incalculable mischief. The strong
man was sent to the north, as the seat of the principal
danger, but for the south some other High Churchman must
be provided, and for this purpose Dr. William Chappell, of
Christ Church, Cambridge, was promoted, against his will and
inclination, to the Deanery of Cashel. It is likely that even
now his appointment was not intended to be permanent, for in
Cashel, though there were many ecclesiastical abuses, there
was no Protestant dissent. ChappelPs long residence in Cam-
bridge as a fellow and tutor pointed him out as qualified to
succeed to the Provostship of the Puritan College, and there
stop the efflux of Evangelical principles into the parishes of
the north. For it is certain that he was known to Laud as

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 231

a High Churchman, and as such sent to Trinity College,
But (as usual) when we come to explain the situation in
detail, many difficult problems offer themselves for solution.

Chappell has left us a Latin iambic autobiography,^ wherein
we read that he was born in 1582, obtained a scholarship and
the degrees of A.B. and A.M. at Christ's College, Cambridge,
and (when he was at a loss whither to turn for a profession) a
fellowship in 1607, which he speaks of as the goal of his
ambition. The text then passes into religious effusions and
reflections, and begins its narrative of facts again with his
appointment as Dean of Cashel in 1633. There is thus a
great gap of twenty-five years in the autobiography, only to
be accounted for by the loss, or the suppression, of a page of
two of the original manuscript, for we can show that the
missing period was by no means devoid of passages, which the
author could not fairly omit from the confessions of his life.
He was invited on August 8, 1612,2 as already told (above p. 74),
by Temple and his fellows, to teach theology and act as Dean
and Catechist ; and various entries in the P. B. during 1613
prove that he was actually in residence. In 16 14 he is gone,
without leaving a trace behind him in Dublin, except that
Anthony Martin is appointed in his place as Catechist,
November 16, 161 3.3 But in 161 5 he is reported to have
exhibited his acute intellect in so brilliant a disputation at
Cambridge, in presence of the king, that his adversary fainted,
and the king paid him the highest compliments. Of all this
there is not one word in the autobiography ! Nor is there any
account of his making the acquaintance or obtaining the
confidence of Laud, who says, indeed, that he did not know
him personally before his promotion. And yet all this was
worthy of explanation, for Temple and Ussher had surely
invited him to Dublin, not only as an acute Ramist logician,
but as a theologian of their type. In the subsequent years he
was a well-known tutor at his Cambridge College, and has saved
* Printed in Leland's Collectanea^ vol. v. ^ P. B., p. 205, 3 ibid., p. 206,

232 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

his name from the oblivion even of the English public by having
chastised the boy John Milton, his College pupil.

As I said already, he gives us at the close of the period a
supplication to God to pardon his faults, and this must have
come at the end of the missing narration. When appointed
Dean of Cashel he says that God knows, and the world knows,
what he had to endure ; but when he comes to the offer of
the Provostship he bursts out into such violent language about
the College that I cannot think it intelligible, if he had not
already given us (in the lost portion) some account of his
experiences of 1613.

If this middle portion of his life was suppressed by himself,
which is also possible, we must look for some serious cause.
It is certain that he was regarded in early life as a Puritan, and
as such he must have been acceptable to Temple in 1612.
Ussher must then have known him well. He came back to
Ireland a High Churchman and an Arminian in doctrine.
This conversion, which accorded with his worldly interest,
and obtained him promotion, certainly earned him the deter-
mined hostility of Ussher, and may have been to Chappell a
disagreeable passage in his former life.

However, Wentworth, having got rid of Robert Ussher
with an archdeaconry, a cheap bribe as compared with the
bishopric he expected Ussher to claim, brought Chappell, who
had endured some months' residence at Cashel, to Dublin, and
had him elected Provost by going down in person to the
College, and telling them they must elect him, otherwise he
would inhibit their choice, and refer the matter to the king.
The Lord Deputy's cynical contempt of charters and privi-
leges as against the royal will appears in many of his letters.
He purchased the favour and admiration of his miserable king
by promising to make him as absolute a sovereign as any in
Europe. And so long as he remained in power in Ireland, he
was as good as his word. He violated over and over again,
not only the old statutes of the College, but those he had pro-

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 233

cured from Laud, to compass a personal object. The former
disorders of the country enabled him to find flaws in the
title for every property, or dishonesty in acquiring it, and so to
extort large sums by way of composition to avoid confiscation.
There was but one personage whom he feels compelled to
treat with consideration, and whom he is unable to depose.
That was Primate Ussher. Yet even upon him he contrived
to force in Convocation the acceptance of the English articles
in place of those drawn up by Ussher for the Irish Church.
But the Primate, though personally unassailable, was a weak
leader, and not on good terms with his bishops. His closest
friend and adviser, who was supposed by Wentworth to lead
him, was Anthony Martin, Bishop of Meath, a very able and
determined man. But Bedell, his most pious and learned
colleague, was often at variance with him, and for the most
serious cause. ' Bramhall of Derry represented the policy of
Wentworth. The rest seem mere cyphers, and not even of
one mind in public affairs.

Under these circumstances the appointment of a High Church
and an English Provost was a great move in the game against the
Evangelical and national cause in Ireland. For I need hardly
say again that the Anglo-Irish sympathies were then as decidedly
opposed to the English as they have been to this day. These
were the reasons why Ussher, as Vice-Chancellor, took no
pains to admit Chappell formally as Provost, not because he
was offended that the new Provost had not waited on him at
Drogheda.2 Both Hely Hutchinson and Anon, speak of
Chappell as a first-rate man in learning, piety, and character.
Wentworth always praises him, and thinks him the best man
to promote in Ireland, probably owing to the punctuality of his
obedience. Yet his many blunders in the management of the

* All the Lives of Bedell are very full regarding these disputes of Bedell
with grasping clergy and officials, and the very lukewarm conduct of
Ussher, or even his screening of the offenders.

' This is what Chappell says in his autobiography.

234 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

College, which he was wholly unable to keep at peace without
obtaining absolute powers, his conversion to Laud's views, his
own querulous complainings in his autobiography, and the
catalogue of complaints against him when his protector Straf-
ford was disgraced — all this is strong evidence that Laud made
a bad choice, and without sufficient knowledge of his man.i
He only published one insignificant logical book, the Ars Con-
cionandi^ at the very end of his life. There is not one note of
contentment in all his confessions, save at the moment he got
his fellowship, and again when he had carried the new Charter,
and was Provost, with almost absolute power, and an income
of ;^500 a year. Yet even then he was required by his Master
to take a bishopric, and hold the Provostship in commendam^ in
violation of his solemn oath.

But he was no mere pawn in the great game which Went-
worth was playing for King Charles. And Trinity College
became an important corner of the chessboard. Not only did
Wentworth force upon the College a Provost of his own
choosing ; he did not scruple to impose on them Fellows, and
even Senior Fellows, to carry out his policy. And he tells Laud
that it were well to send over a few suitable Englishmen every

^ When mentioning his resignation of the Provostship to Laud (S. P., 1640,
August 7th, p. 244), Chappell speaks with satisfaction of his reformation of
the College, and that having found it £200 in debt he had left it ;^2,ooo in
credit. He adds that he would willingly have ended his days there, but
for the objections of his being an absentee from his see. There is nothing
like this in his autobiography. Amid the conflict of opinion concerning
Chappell's character, the following passage from a letter of Bedell to
Samuel Ward {Lives of Bedell, ed. Shuckburgh, p. 362) is well worth citing.

Touching my lord of Corke, I never changed a word with him about
your difference [probably his variance with Ussher], but, as I wrote in my
last, he hath proferred, nay, performed much kindness to me. I do much
approve his reformation of the manners of the College, improving the
rents, enlarging and beautifying the buildings. In the service of God
many account he hath brought in too much ceremony ; others esteem the
condition of this country and tyme do require it ; and I think it may do
more good here than in England." This evidence, from a man of unim-
peachable honesty, who had himself been Provost, is the best defence of
Chappell known to me,

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 235

year, and make them scholars and fellows, promising to pro-
mote them in the Church of Ireland next after his own
chaplains. All this policy had one clear object, to defeat
and discredit the Protestant party in Ireland, who would
naturally take the part of the Puritan Opposition in England
and Scotland, and to create a High Church party by means of
imported Englishmen, who would submit to the Divine Right
of Charles, and who would not carry on any extreme con-
troversy with the Roman Catholics, who were now to be
conciliated. For the first need of the king was money ;
there must be subsidies obtained, either by voluntary offers
from the gentry or from an obsequious Parliament, and for
this purpose the Roman Catholic gentry of the Pale and the
remaining Irish lords must be humoured. It was even part of
Wentworth's policy to play the loyalty of one against the
other, and make them bid at his auction of the king's favour.
These are the general considerations which explain the
tedious history of the petty squabbles in the College, which
now assume such strange official importance. The great
struggle to impose the new Church views upon the Protestant
party was by no means confined to carrying through the
English articles in Convocation. The heads of that party
must be discredited. The opening move was the attack upon
the great monument which the Earl of Cork had set up at the
east end of the chancel in S. Patrick's to his wife, her father,
Sir Geoffrey Fenton, and her grandfather. Chancellor Weston.
It was the lady's dying wish to be laid near them, and the
Earl carried it out with splendid loyalty. He purchased the
site from the Dean and Chapter, sent for the best workmen
from England, and set up a great monument at the cost ot
j^ 1,000 in what is known as the Jacobean style, in the place
reserved by Churchmen for the reredos. All this was done
with the knowledge and approval of not only the Dean and
Chapter, but of the two Archbishops, and suggests clearly
enough that there was no altar or communion table at the east

236 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

end, and that the service was of a very Puritan sort. This was
all reported by some one whose name is withheld — probably
by Chappell — to Laud, who set Wentworth to work to abate
the scandal, and he took it up so eagerly that Lord Cork at
once attributed his action to personal hostility. He appealed
to the Dean and Archbishops, and a committee of inquiry sat
to consider the matter. But Laud was firm, and insisted upon
the removal of the tomb, to Lord Cork's intense mortification.
But so much was ultimately conceded, that its new place was
as near as possible to the old, at the east end of the south wall
of the chancel, still overlooking the communion table. In that
place the older among us all remember it, before a restorer
who had probably never heard of the controversy removed
it to the far end of the nave, beyond the south entrance.

All this debate, which occupies large room in the corre-
spondence of both Wentworth and of Laud, was intended,
along with the assertion of greater decency and ceremony in
the keeping of churches, to discredit not only Cork, but
Ussher, who had tolerated such violations of decency. Presently
a much greater accusation was brought against Cork regard-
ing his fraudulent appropriation of the old abbey of Youghal
and its revenues. But Ussher was not so easy to upset, even
though Wentworth reports that when entertained by the
Primate at his fine palace in Drogheda he found the private
chapel without even a communion table.' For however

^ Sir William Brereton [Travels, p. 135, Cheet. Soc. Ed.), visiting
Drogheda about the same time, and visiting this " pretty little plain and
convenient chapel," also finds the great parish church, where the Primate
preaches every Sunday when resident, " with the communion table placed
lengthways in the aisle, over against the pulpit ; the body of the Church
in good repair ; the chancel, as no use is made of it, wholly neglected."
Such, then, were Ussher's notions of ritual. It is also stated (S. P., 1636,
p. 142) that the King received news that the bishops only wore their
rochets and episcopal robes when they went to church in the Lord
Deputy's presence, or to preach before him ; but that when they went to
any other church they wore no robes at all, as if they were ashamed of
their calling, and that this was an old practice in Dublin. The King and
Laud ordered that all ministers shall say prayers in their surplices.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 237

learnedly Ussher might defend episcopacy, the influence of
Travers and his college days was still upon him.

Meanwhile Chappell was labouring to reform the life and
discipline of the College in his own way. The Irish lecture
was at once abandoned, and all care to promote natives,
according to the intention of the second founder, ceased. On
the other hand, daily chapels, with surplice on Sundays and
holy days, were imposed on the students, but tacitly resisted
by the fellows, who had been accustomed to laxer discipline.
The favour of Wentworth, who sent (in 1637) his own son
(a mere child of eleven) there under the charge of Harding, a
tutor imported from Cambridge, brought the College into
greater fashion. For, of course, students were not alarmed by
the impending change of statutes, on which Laud and Went-
worth had determined. A clear indication was the refusal
of the new Provost to take the oath to obey the existing laws
— a refusal causing much debate and dissatisfaction in the
College, but justified by Laud and permitted by Wentworth.
The bowing of the Provost whenever he passed the chapel
door was noted and taken, as Irish Protestants now take it,
for a sign of Popish superstition. In Ware's Bishops we
read that " in order to give the juniors a taste of government,
he established a Roman Commonwealth among them, to con-
tinue during the Christmas vacation, in which they had their
Dictator, Consuls, Censors, and other officers of the Roman
State in great splendour." If this account be accurate,
Chappell was so ignorant of the Roman Commonwealth as
not to know that the Dictator superseded all the other
officers, and suspended the constitution at the moment of a
crisis.

Meanwhile, it seems plain that Wentworth had no liking for
the College Halls in the city, and that the Government did
not offer any serious opposition to the legal action taken by
the former owners of these Halls before the Council, that their
property should be restored to them, The seizure by Lords

238 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Cork and Loftus was represented either as wholly illegal, or
as only applying to the priests or friars who occupied these
premises. Very probably some middleman had leased them,
and they had been turned into monastic houses without the
formal knowledge of the owners. At all events it was made
an accusation against Strafford at his trial, that he had allowed
the Papists to reoccupy these houses to the injury of Trinity
College. His reply may be formally true, but is disingenuous.
He says that they were recovered from the College by suits at
law, and that he had objected to the decisions. It takes small
knowledge of the man and of his Government to know that if
his objection had been serious, the actions at law would have
failed. He was absolute despot at his Council, and could have
quashed all such proceedings by a mere appeal to the royal
prerogative. But it was another way of humiliating Cork,
whose action was made to appear hasty and illegal. We know
from two dockets requiring the Provost and fellows to give
evidence, that the Dowager Countess of Kildare was the
plaintiff in the one case ; the prosecutor in the other case we
cannot tell. The middleman was probably the Plunkett before
mentioned, but a man called Edward Jans gives a receipt^ to
the College for ^^5 rent for the part in the hands of the
College, the other half being payable by Richard White, to
whom it was formerly let.2

On the other hand, Wentworth, while allowing these
houses to go, was by no means lacking in zeal to promote
the College. It is probable that they were alleged to be
causes of lax discipline ; in any case the Provost could not
watch them as he did his own Society. Wentworth in-
augurated afresh the proper policy of enlarging the College
buildings by private subscription, and his donation of ;^ioo
was followed up by many other gifts on the part of those
who sought his favour. Two P'itzgeralds, an Archdeacon
and Dean, built a whole bay of buildings. Sir Chas. Coote
* April 20, 1637. ^ Reg., 100.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 239

gave £^0 ; i Sir Geo. RadclifFe, j^20 ; Sir George Scott,
^^o ; George Baker (by bequest), ;^500 — in all at least
^2,000. This was the real and practical answer to Went-
worth*s indifference about the Halls, but it was not urged in
his defence. Yet it was the moment when the College first
began to expand beyond the two small quadrangles towards
the north, and occupy the ground nearer the river with new
chambers. None of these additions are now standing, but
they can be clearly seen on Rocque's map.^ An interesting
brass (now in the Library) with an inscription in very loose
iambics by the Provost, records Baker's gift as follows : —

MDCXXXIX.
D M S.

"Georgius Bakerus, Cantabrigicc incola

Dublini vixit hospes quoque diu

Moriturus urbi praetuUt Academiam

Ubi vivet hospes eminens et excipiet

Tugs, Apollo, filios chara capita,

-^dibus quas sumptu suo paravit splendidas

Vivet et amplo fruetur laudis pragmio

Alii dum sua perierint pecunia

Qui satis magnum haud putet Bakerum

Majore magnus esto beneficentia.
Gul. Chappell Cork, et Ross
Episcop. Hujus Coll. Prsepositus."

But all these external aids, of which the accurate dates are
not known, but which probably extended from 1634 to 1639,
were of little use while the College was being wrecked by the
internal dissensions of the fellows. The dislike to Chappell
and his new regime broke into flame upon the first election to

^ There is a stray note out of its place in the Bursar's Book, written
upside down to the receipts of 1676 (the book is not paged), which gives
us information somewhat different : '* 1636 : Moneys collected for y^
building Jan. 6 Receaved of S"^ Charles Coote ;^95 o o Receaved from
S"^ James Ware £10 o o Receaved from Archdeacn Maxwell j^ioo 00;"
cf. Stubbs, p. 79, who had not seen this, for other items.

=" Stubbs, p. 191.

240 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Senior Fellowships after his appointment. There was notice
of one impending vacancy, for a Fellow called Boswell (a
Cheshire man) had been appointed to a distant living. Mean-
while another Senior Fellow (Ince) died, so that there were
at least two vacancies to be filled up within the space of two
months, according to the existing statutes. This gave time
for discussions and cabals. There had been seven junior
Fellows elected in 1 631, of whom the senior had gone out,
the next two (KerdifF and Conway) were already Senior
Fellows, and the choice lay among the remaining four in
order of seniority, unless some grave cause of complaint
authorised the electors to pass over the senior men. Assuming
that the order of admission is observed in the entry of these
fellows' simultaneous election, Arthur Ware, a young man
of important and influential family, was the junior. Never-
theless, he formally claimed the seniority against the other
three, on grounds which none of the many papers about this
matter have condescended to mention.

The Provost showed his first weakness in not determining
this question at once. The late Provost Ussher, who had
admitted these fellows, was within reach ; similar cases must
often have occurred to serve as precedents. Nevertheless
Chappell asks all the candidates to state their claims in
writing, and when they all (except Ware) declined or refused
to do so, kept postponing the election in the hope of some
settlement. But ultimately he was pressed for time, and
proposed the candidates, disregarding Ware's petition, in the
order given in the Registry, viz., Hoyle, Pheasant, CuUen,
Ware, Hereupon the second point was raised, not by the
Provost formally, but surely at his suggestion : were these
men free of all serious blame in their College life ? Now
the conflict between High and Low Church views at once
came out It was notorious that the senior three had been
utterly neglectful of daily chapels. Hoyle even refused to
wear a surplice. This being a gravis causa to Chappell, the

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 241

case was presently put to the Visitors in a very different
form : ' " whether a fellow of the College, living in the town
the far greater part of a year and a quarter (^.^., since
Chappell's arrival), for which no cause is rendered but want
of sheets, and in all that time not once reading prayers, dis-
puting, commonplacing, nor procuring any to do duty for him,
do not vacate his fellowship." But the Visitors had not been
appealed to by Chappell for a remedy against this disorder for
over a year, and not till this election quarrel had begun.
At all events, some of the electors judged the surplice ques-
tion a gravis causa^ while others did not, and did not reject
Hoyle till another Sunday had passed, upon which his con-
tinued refusal to wear the surplice set three of the electors
against him on the ground of contumacy, and against the
others for similar causes, and none were elected that day.
Before the adjourned election took place, the three rejected
fellows had appealed to the Visitors to inhibit it. The only
ground they state is the false assertion of precedence by Ware
as against the act of the late Provost in admitting them, and
many subsequent recognitions of it.2 The Visitors, in this
case the two archbishops. Bishop of Meath, the Mayor, and
Lord Loftus promptly acceded (February 13, 1635), and
ordered a Visitation, which was held on the following May i8th.
The Provost's contention was twofold : (i) The three junior
Fellows, in appealing to the Visitors without the consent or
knowledge of the Provost, had been guilty of a graver breach
of discipline, for which they should be expelled, and not
promoted. (2) The Visitors had no power to interfere with
the election, seeing that the only duties assigned them by the
Charter were to settle differences which the Provost and
fellows could not settle (a point not admitted in this case),
and to punish grave crimes. But the Provost was worsted.
After much heated altercation, in which the Primate, who
was Vice-Chancellor, showed a violence quite foreign to his
» S. P., 1637, p. 146. 2 Anon., p. 210.

R

^42 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

mild and quiet nature, the petition of Hoyle, Pheasant, and
Cullen was justified, and the Provost and Senior Fellows ordered
to elect them in that order at the next election for senior
Fellows, the last election having led to no result, owing to the
inhibition. Meanwhile other vacancies upon the governing
Board had taken place, and in June, 1636, there were only-
three Senior Fellows remaining : Newman, Conway, and
KerdifF.

It was during this interval that the Provost took the more
than doubtful step of abrogating a clause in the chapter con-
cerning elections. To elect Senior Fellows was necessary for
the conduct of the House, which must have been in great
difficulties with only three Senior Fellows to hold the College
offices restricted to them. On the other hand Bedell's statute,
then in force, mentioned the majority that could elect as at
least four (out of seven, the normal number of Senior Fellows).
Chappell's expedient was to abrogate the words nempe quatuor
from the statute, which was done by an undated act written
in at the close of the official book of statutes, signed by the
Provost, Newman, and Conway. It is more than likely that
this act was sprung upon the remaining senior Kerdiff, just
before the election. For when the day came, and he found
what was intended, he left the Provost's lodging, in spite of
the Provost's threats, and informed the candidates who were
waiting outside. Meanwhile the electors within had decided
to pass the three senior men over on the ground of contumacy,
and to elect Ware. But before he could be admitted formally,
by kneeling before the Provost, the rest rushed in a disorderly
and insolent manner into the room, and claimed their right
according to the recent decree of the Visitors. The Provost,
however, stood firm, conceding only that if they signed a
paper confessing their fault, there would be another election
held for the remaining places. They refused and appealed at
once, not this time to the Visitors, but to the Privy Council.
All this happened on the i8th of June, and the case was

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 243

heard at once on the 20th, and then at an adjourned meeting.
On the first day the Council, seeing that the order of the
Visitors on May i8th had been openly disregarded by the
Board, asked the Provost to comply with it. The Provost
urged that the Visitors had exceeded their powers, but that if
the complainants, who deserved expulsion for their insubordi-
nation, would confess their fault, he would admit them junior
to Ware. When the Council met again this had not been
done, and the Provost still defended his position. His action
in electing without four Senior Fellows, by changing the
statute, he apparently excused on the ground of necessity.
The Provost and fellows protested against the interference of
the Council, complained that all discipline would have sub-
verted, and appealed to the Chancellor. Nevertheless, the
Council (among whom were several of the Visitors) authorised
a second visitation, held on July 20 by the two archbishops,
the Bishop of Meath, and the Lord Mayor. On this occasion
there was no uncertain sound. The Provost was censured in
severe terms by the Primate ; the two Senior Fellows who
had conspired with him to alter the statute were deprived ot
their fellowships. Messrs. Pheasant and Cullen were made
Senior Fellows, senior to Ware, and the punishment of the
Provost referred to the king.

This sentence, with the defence of the Provost, was sent to
the king, who naturally referred it to Laud to decide. Most
unfortunately Wentworth had been absent during these months
from Dublin. Had he been at the Council he would have
made a prompt decision and seen it enforced. But now he is
very glad to submit to his friend Laud, though Laud is equally
anxious to refer it back to the Lord Deputy. There is no dis-
pute mentioned in Laud's correspondence, on which he hesi-
tated so long, and prayed so eagerly for a peaceable compromise.
Apart from questions of etiquette, or discipline, or the interpre-
tation of statutes, there was on the one side his nominee the
Provost, sent to Ireland to reform College and State, and a

244 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

devoted instrument of his and Wentworth's policy. On the
other the great Primate and the Council had decided the
case in solemn judgment, and to reverse their acts w^ould
be a matter of jeering to the many Roman Catholics who
v^ere watching the conflict. Laud writes out the whole case,
thirty-three folio pages, ^ and sends it to the disputants to
agree upon the facts before he will decide, but urges Went-
worth to arbitrate, and writes a most serious letter to Ussher
which seems to imply that his sentence will probably be against
the Visitors and for the Provost. This was evidently Went-
worth's view also, to whom justice was nothing, the supporting
of his creatures everything.

We have no formal account of the result. But Laud's
anxious pleading for a settlement, and his hints of the result of
a formal decision had their effect. The acts of the Visitors
were mostly ignored. Pheasant, the ringleader, who had even
gone over to see Laud, but had produced on him a bad impres-
sion, was expelled ; Newman and Conway were restored to
their fellowships. But Hoyle and CuUen were made Senior
Fellows, senior to Ware, though Cullen was so long absent
from College that the Primate interceded to have him retained.^
The Provost therefore won most of his battle by Went-
worth's " persuasion," and so far the great Ussher was dis-
credited— another item in the policy of lowering all prominent
men, and of crushing out all independence, in Ireland.

The Provost's hands were even strengthened by a violent
ukase against the keepers of alehouses harbouring students
and allowing them to run bills, which gave moreover to the
Proctors the same power of visitation of houses, under the
Provost's orders, which they possess in Oxford and Cambridge,
This inroad upon the rights and liberties of the citizens of

* Of this a very full abstract will be found in S. P., 1637, pp. 145-9.
This is the document of which Stubbs regrets the loss. Wandesford's
letter, to which Wentworth refers as going to the root of the matter, is
unfortunately not in the collection.

« Reg., 62,

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 245

Dublin was made about a year after the great quarrel, and
seems intended to magnify the importance of the Provost and
his discipline. He had probably represented to the Lord
Deputy that the habit of going to alehouses, and even ot
spending the night there, v^as beyond his control, especially
in the case of boys who lived with their parents in the city.
Both the order and one case of the violation of it are related
to us at length, in extant documents, and printed by Dr.
Stubbs. I That the Privy Council should assume the duties of
police magistrates to aid the discipline of the College appears
sufficiently strange, but stranger still is the astounding severity
of the punishments inflicted on the student Weld, who is found
harboured by the widow Jones in a suspicious alehouse, and
late at night. The erring widow is fined ;^40, and has to
stand in the market-place with an inscription on her, "For
harboring a student contrary to the Act of State, also, that she
shall make public acknowledgment of her offence at the
College, where and when the Provost shall direct," &c., &c.
Dr. Stubbs has not printed the full text of the action of the
College in this matter. The Privy Council had ordered " that
the said Daniel Weld shall stand fined £^\o to his Majesty — a
fine equivalent to ^1^0 in our day — that he be left to the
Provost of the College to inflict such further exemplary punish-
ment on his person, whether by expulsion or otherwise, as the
Provost shall think fit." A fortnight after this sentence (June
II, 1638), the Registry (p. 66) gives us the following entry : —

We may not conceive the fault light, which our most honoured
Governors have deemed so heavy. And therefore whereas Mr.
Weld (for so he may yet be called) hath

r contemned the Act of State , ^^^^^^^ j^ .^

-< 1 College as a -J

/ scandalised this < ( member of it

( University as an Inceptor this year,
I, William Chappell, Provost of this College, do by order of the
Right Hon. the Lord Deputy and Council, censure him as followeth :

' App., xxxii.

246 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY
[

In regard of
the College

as a scholar to \ to have his name erased in the
College books

In regard of the
University

as a student to be ( ^is study therein

deprived of | ^^ testimonium of good carriage.
( to be deprived of his scholarship

\

fio be suspended from his degree of Master of
Arts not to be restored till he bring sufficient
testimony from the place where he shall live one
( honest conversation

(year at the least of his^ conformity to the orders
of the Church.

All this is very neat and logical, and quite in the style of the
Provost's art of preaching^ which is full of these logical
paradigms. We must also remember that punishments in
those days were far severer than our modern humanity would
tolerate. But when all reservations, explanations, and pallia-
tions have been made, who can justify such a sentence as any-
thing better than a piece of pedantic absurdity ?

Such judicial violences were sure to deter young men, not
only from this crime, but from the College. Wentworth
must have consulted with the Provost about it, and the pedant
agreed with the despot, who was becoming more and more
truculent, as he felt his enemies' power waxing, and the protec-
tion of the false and feeble king waning. By this time he
and Laud had secured for the Provost all the powers necessary
to rule his College and the University at his ease with
despotic power. Such a sentence as that just noticed would
have been impossible under Bedell's Statutes without the
consent of four Senior Fellows. But now there was a
new order of things, which almost deserves a separate
chapter.

The practical prelude to the introduction of the new
Charter was the insolent imposing on the College of two
Masters of Arts from Cambridge, Messrs. John Harding and
Thomas Marshall, vice Newman, whose place had expired.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 247

and Pheasant expelled ^ — not merely as fellows, but as Senior
Fellows. Thus the Provost obtained two votes to aid him in
forcing the acceptance of the new Charter. These orders or
Went worth were issued on April 20 and on May 10, 1637 ;
the Charter was accepted on the eleventh of the same month
with a solemn ceremony in the chapel, at which Ussher, as
Vice-Chancellor, was present, probably in no good temper.
But Bedell was there also, and approved highly of the change. 2
Quite apart from these arbitrary acts, the whole policy of
both Wentworth and Laud, to neglect Irish and Anglo-Irish
for the benefit of imported Englishmen, appears clearly not
only in the names of the fellows, but of the scholars elected in
these years. Not a single O or Mac appears among them ;
the natives' places are not even filled by youths of English
names well known in Ireland. So far as Ireland was concerned
its University was being rapidly denationalised.

The passing of the Charter took place almost exactly in the
middle of ChappelFs Provostship, which lasted six years. The
latter three years, which offer little of note, may be despatched
in this history before we proceed to analyse the new Charter.
From the day that he was installed as absolute master of the
College we hear ot no more insubordination among his sub-
ordinates, for obvious reasons. The violations of the new
statutes came from his superiors. Harding, the imported
Senior Fellow, who was tutor to Wentworth's son, having
accepted a living, and consequently having voided his fellow-
ship, was forthwith reappointed Senior Fellow by Letters Patent
from the Lord Deputy in manifest violation of his own code
(Reg. 6i). Dean Margetson, a friend of the Deputy, was
ordered to have a D.D. degree. The Provost, being promoted
(June, 1638) to the bishoprics of Cork and Ross, and offering
to resign his place, was directed by Wentworth and Laud to
hold it in commendam^ though even the king was known to
be opposed to such a practice. In one letter from Laud
» Reg., 56, 57. » Cf. Shuckburgh's Beilell, p. 340.

248 AN EPOCH IN IkiSH HISTORY

to Wentworth ^ he says indeed that Primate Ussher's dislike
of the Provost made it desirable to remove the latter, if another
fit man could be found for the College. But Wentworth
would not hear of it. On this occasion Ussher, though ousted
from the government of the College, as v^^ill be explained in
the next chapter, thought it right to protest. Here is his
letter 2 : —

"I was very sorry to see that clause of his Maj. letter whereby the
Provostship of the College was granted to be held in conimendam
with the bishopricks of Cork and Ross ; of which the party himself,
whom it concerneth, is sensible enough that it can hardly stand
with the solemn oath which he took upon the sending over of the
new statutes, especially this clause being thereunto added, non
impetrabo nee procurabo direct c vel indirecte dispensionetn contra
juramenta mea praedicta, aut contra ordinationes aut statuta collegii
vel ipsorum aliquod. The eluding of oaths in this manner I do
conceive to be a matter of most pernicious consequence ; and the
party himself, as I hear, is not unwilling to give over that place
unto his brother, who now keepeth with him at the college.
Whom, if your grace should not think to be so fit a man for that
place, you have a very worthy man of your own there, Mr. Joseph
Mede, who was heretofore nominated unto the self-same place, and
that with the good approbation of the council table in England."

The great Irish Primate speaks with undisguised contempt of
" the party whom it concerneth." But Wentworth would
not yield, and it was not till eighteen months later, when both
Wentworth's and Laud's actions were being called in question,
and their enemies were declaring themselves both in England
and Ireland, that Chappell again sought and obtained leave to
resign.

When he resigned all things were still nominally subject
to the tyrant of Ireland, and the following entry 3 expresses
the outside appearance of the facts as Wentworth wished them
to appear : —

* Strafford's Letters, ii. p. 120.

= Ussher's Works, xvi. p. 37. 3 Reg,, 70.

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 249

" July 20, 1640. The Right Revd. Father in God, William Lord
Bishoppe of Corke and Ross, being chosen Provost on the 21st of
August, 1634, after he had gratiously reformed the students, happily
promoted new Statutes and rich amplifying of the buildings,
beautifyed the Chappel, Hall, Provost's lodgings and Regent House,
with the garden and other places by y'' good advice and assistance
of our worthy learned and pious Vice-Provost, Mr. Doctor Harding,
and wonderfully increased the College Plate ^ and stocke, reduced
all things into a blessed order, and faithfully governed by the space
of sixe yeares as a glorious pattern of sobriety, justice and godlyness,
the 20th of July, 1640, resigned up his Provostshippe in writing
under his hand and Episcopall seale. [Witnessed by the Vice-
Provost and Senior Fellows.]

The reader of the events rehearsed in this chapter will be
amused at this encomium, especially at the adverbs and qualify-
ing adjectives. It is true that the buildings vv^ere increased,
fine pieces of plate acquired, young men of fashion educated.
But what did all that avail when the high-handed despot under
whom he served goaded the country promptly into a rebellion,
which within five years swept away all this order ?

The Registry of these blessed years is very scanty. The
pompous punishment of Weld, and the State recognition ot
Harding's official perjury are the longest it contains. There is
in the M. R. (F. ']']) a curious petition (dated July 26, 1638)
to recover books borrowed or lost from Kildare Hall, "now
given up,'* and from the College Library. The witnesses
summoned are Barry the Librarian, Mr. Boswell, rector there,
and Mr. Hoile after him, and the names of the borrowers,
viz. : —

To the Right Hon^^. Thomas Viscount Weniworthy Lord Deputy-General.

The Humble Petition of the Provost and Fellows of Trinity
College, near Dublin,

Humbly showeth that whereas divers books of good worth, some
from the College Library, others by the gift of persons well affected,

* It is to be noticed that the clause in Bedell's Statutes directing that
fellow commoners should at entrance contribute a piece of plate was
expunged by Laud.

250

AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

were for the use of the Students, while Kildare Hall was possessed
by the College, there bestowed, and by the carelessness of some
and rapacity of others are kept from your Petitioners,

And whereas also divers books have been borrowed out of the
College Library and lost or detained from your Petitioners to
private use to the great diminishing of our Library,

And whereas also divers persons whose names are underwritten
stand indebted unto the College in divers sums of money, and
most of them a long time,

May it please your Lordship that such as are here undernamed
may be examined upon oath for the clearing of the first, and they
who shall be found to have had them in keeping caused to produce
and restore them.

That those who have borrowed from the College Library may be
caused to make restitution.

That those who stand indebted to the College may make satis-
faction.

And your Petitioners shall pray, &c.

To be examined for Kildare Hall —
Mr. Barry, keeper of the Library.
Mr. Boswell, Rector there.
Mr. Hoile, Rector after him.
Mr. Carter.
Mr. Wilkinson.

The names of them that have bor-
rowed from the College Library.
Doctor Arthure.
John Binnes.
John Wiggett.
Charles Johnson.
Richard Bourk.
Rowland Eustace.
Mr. Puttock.
Mr. Baskervile.
Mr. Brodeley.
Chris Coburne.
John Allen.
William Newman.

Dublin Castle, 26th ^uly, 1638.
The parties within complained on are hereby required to appear
forthwith before us to Answer these several complaints,

Wentworth.

The names of those that stand

indebted to the College.
Robert Ashwood, £ig.
Richard Bourk, £y.
Henry Jones, ;^io.
John Watson, £2.
Willm. Newman, ;^i2.
Garrett Mead, ;^i8 13s. 6d.
John Allen, £5.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 251

There is also a petition from the Provost and fellows dated
March 24, 1639, to have their Crov^n pension of ;^388 15s.
commuted for lands of equal value in the proposed plantation of
Connaught, and the king's letter to Wentw^orth sanctioning this
change.^ There are many papers relating to suits of the
College with tenants, or tenants with one another, on the
College lands, especially in Co. Limerick, in which Thomas
Clanchy (or Clancy) of Craiggard, who seems to have acted as
an agent for the College, plays a prominent part.2 Among all
these papers are but few with personal touches. In the midst
of Thomas Clancy's business letters I found two of no historic
but of much social interest, for they enable us to feel sympathy
with homely people across the span of three centuries. Here
they are : —

(M. R., D 62.)

" My most deare Joye
and one Love, — I knowe it is tedious to you my absence, and soe it
is for mee ; but God be thanked, my business is done, and I looke
everie daie to come home. I thought not to have written to you
before I came my selfe, but for feare y" should thinke some accident
befell mee, I have written this to be of good comfort. I sent you
a good gowne, pettycoate and gorgett in Mr. F. trunke ; looke to
y' home busines, tender my dutie to y' father and mother, and to
all my friends my love, not forgetting y*" selfe. I remaine Thine
one onlie Loyall while I live to bee

" M. PURDON.

" Dublin, Juniiy 1638."

[There is no endorsement or address.]

(M. R., D 63.)

"Dublin, this 2.^ih of May e, 1639.
" CossEN Thomas, — I beleeve yo' greefe and sadnesse comes of
the love that you beare unto me — of which I doe thinke that it is
the feare of y' parentes makes you not to marrye mee, but if you
had expresse your minde unto mee at the first tyme of your
acquaintance I would never desire yo" to be mine, but, deere hart,
seeing that it is late to repent it and that I have gott ill will for you
and that yo" have drawen my love soe farre upon you, and if it bee

' M. R., F 70, 70a. » ibid., C 53-68 ; D 48-53, 62-75.

252 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

your intent to marrye elsewhere I will never hinder you howbeite it
is the overtrowe of my fortune. I would desire you to come to see
me, for I am not well this daye.

" Soe I rest yo"r loving cossen,
"Munday morninge at Ormonds armes,

" Mary Browne."
[Address : " To my very loving cossen, Mr. Thomas Clansie, thiese
be
att"

There is also an important document,^ dating just after the
new Charter in 1637, giving the conditions of new leases with
tenants. It is plain that the material prosperity and order
under Wentworth had sensibly affected the value of land, and
that the College rents were now being raised. But here is an
entry in the Register of which the humour has escaped
previous historians. It illustrates the pedantic side of the
" close Ramist," as the Provost is styled. I give it in English,
though the Latin original puts it on higher stilts : —

" To all the faithful in Christ to whom these presents may come —
Know ye that we the Provost and Senior Fellows of the College of
the Holy and undivided Trinity near Dublin of the foundation of the
most Serene Queen Elizabeth, by our unanimous consent and assent
according to the Statutes of the College have elected, co-opted, and
admitted Master John Pemberton to be butler of our College, and
hold and confirm him as so co-opted and admitted by these presents
furnished with our seal, and the subscription of our names. Given
this 28th of February, 1639.

Wm. Cor et Ross, Pps.
Johas Harding Alex. Hatfield

Nath. Hoyle Chr. Pepper

Th. Seele Chr. Beckwith

Guil. Clopton
At the same time William our College cook had his place confirmed
to him in y® same manner, signed and sealed as above said."

We hear from the historians of Oxford Colleges that the
inferior officers were regarded "inferior members" of their

' M. R., D 73.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 253

College, and not unfrequently took degrees. This man called
Magister may have been such, but I do not think so pompous
a recognition of it will be found in any of their records. In
this obscure body of insignificant Dons one name only stands
out in after history — Thomas Seele, who had already gone out
on a living, but finding it intolerable petitioned and obtained
leave to resume his fellowship and College life. He lived to
be an active and distinguished Provost after the Restoration.^
The whole history of the College during these six momentous
years reflects and explains the history of Ireland. There was
external prosperity, an increase of the means and materials of
life, many solemn thanksgivings for the righteous and merci-
ful rule of the dread sovran, who was robbing the landlords
of their titles and the people of their liberties. Natives and
settlers, chieftains and undertakers, all alike were suffering.
But all complaint was crushed out by the Dublin Star
Chamber. Wentworth was sitting on the safety valve, and
when recalled to England to aid his tottering king all the
elements of discontent burst forth. The higher classes in
their Parliament, the Anglo-Irish nobility and gentry, Pro-
testant and Catholic, began the attack. But behind them
lay greater and more ungovernable forces, that swept away
constitutional discussions with an avalanche of rapine and
murder.

But we must insist upon the fact that externally Went-
worth's rule was one of great prosperity. The Dublin of his
day, according to the evidence of Sir William Brereton, was
a brilliant city, comparing most favourably with Edinburgh,
which the traveller had just visited. We find that in 1637 he
travelled leisurely from Belfast to Dromore, and through the
mountains to Newry and Dundalk, and presently through the

* The formal act re-admitting him, sanctioned by six Visitors, is given in
Reg., 49, and occurred in 1635, before the great disturbance. Seele was
elected Senior Fellow in January, 1637 (O. S.), and therefore the first under
the new Charter.

254 ^N EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

O'Byrne, O'Moore and Kavanagh country, west of the Wick-
low Mountains, without ever incurring the smallest personal
danger from wood kerne or outlaws. During his stay in
Dublin he meets various distinguished men of Trinity College,
the Primate, who entertains him twice at dinner, Richardson,
now Bishop of Ardagh, who at this very time presented to his
old College the stately chalice and flagon still in use in the
Chapel, and Hoyle, whom he hears preaching at S. Werburgh's.
Brereton's taste was for sermons, of which he heard many, and
liked those of Ussher (at S. Andrew's) best. The Lord Deputy
was probably away, for the chief thing admired in the Castle
are the stables, of which we hear often in Wentworth's letters.
The whole impression the traveller has of Dublin is that or
a thriving city : —

"This city of Dublin is extending his bounds and limits very
far, much additions of building lately, and some of these very fair,
stately, and complete buildings; every commodity is grown very
dear. You must pay also for an horse hire is. 6d. a day ; here I
met with an excellent, judicious, and painful smith. Here are
divers commodities cried in Dublin as in London, which it doth
more resemble than any town I have seen in the King of England's
dominions." '

The extension of the city towards the College was at the
moment the most important. We have already noticed the
new residences on College Green (p. 201 ). It was in Sir Toby
Caulfeild's house that Lady Cork died when on a visit in
1629. There is an allusion in the Register to the students
having attended her funeral. The house is, however, to us
of higher interest in that Ussher bought it, and petitioned the
Corporation (in 1632) to have a garden round it, as he desired
to settle there on account of his old affection for his native city .2
This was the house in which Brereton dined with him, and
found the study removed from the rest, perhaps in the garden,
for the Primate would not be disturbed at his literary work,
^ Travels, p. 144. "" Gilbert's Records, iii. p. 260.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 255

which commenced daily at 5 a.m. and lasted till 6 p.m., with
the exception of two hours (ii-i) for relaxation, when he saw
his friends.

But in spite of his assiduity, Ussher must have had time to
visit the College and its Library constantly, and must have
been profoundly disgusted when he saw the High Church
practices of Chappell. It is remarkable that when visiting
the College, Brereton merely mentions the Provost, and speaks
sneeringly of the Library and its MSS. whose value he thinks
greatly exaggerated. What would Ussher have said to this
judgment ? These trifles are only quoted to show the ease
and affluence or life in Dublin under the strong rule of
Wentworth.

The Caroline Constitution (1637).!

Nothing is more usual and more false than to state that
Laud gave the College a completely new code of Statutes.
They were indeed appended to a new Charter, but even that
did not abrogate the old, but recited it with some modifications
in its Preamble. Similarly the new Statutes were mainly, both
in substance and in form, those which we have in Bedell's
hand, and these again are, according to Bedell's own state-
ment, put together and arranged from the older code which
had been sanctioned by Temple and his fellows. There is no
copy of these oldest laws of the College extant, but the rules
of the University, which govern, with hardly a change, the
acts and meetings of the Senate to this day, are in the Muni-
ment Room, each rule signed by Temple and his fellows,
and they begin (as has been said above) with Chapter V.

* I have thought it right to give the whole of Bedell's code in an
appendix to this volume. These Statutes have never yet been printed,
and are highly interesting in many ways. A few notes have been here
added that the general reader may mark the prmcipal changes. The
Caroline or Laudian Code is printed next after the Elizabethan Charter
in the book of Statutes, published by the College in two vols. (Dublin
Hodges and Foster, 1844, 1898).

256 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

But as Bedell must have added and changed a good deal, so
Laud, reading Bedell's book carefully, and with a view to the
recent troubles in the College and the Irish Church, and having
regard to his friend Wentworth's wishes, not only introduced
several new principles, but gratified several old animosities in
his retouching of the code. The general intention of both
Laud and Wentworth was to make the College distinctly
English in tone and Anglican in creed, and in this they ran
counter to the policy of Bedell, who had striven to make it
Anglo-Irish, if not Irish, and of Ussher, who had made it
Evangelical, if not Puritan. Both these pious men had sought
to make the College life religious. Laud sought to make it
ecclesiastical. But the temper of the times, and the fierce
attacks which were being made on his policy, kept him very
cautious to avoid offence, so that it requires a minute collation
of his text with the earlier code to see the mind of the man
behind apparently trivial alterations of form. The preamble
opens with Bedell's words, until the new circumstances of
Charles' Charter come to be stated by Laud. But in the fore-
front of the regulations Bedell had naturally put the chapter
de cultu Divino^ which Laud degrades to the ninth chapter,
though there repeating words only suitable to its original
place.i Where the use of the Irish Church had been ordered
in the Chapel, that of the Anglican is substituted, with the
special permission of a shortened Morning Service, " in order
that the students may get earlier to their lectures." What
the use of the Irish Church had been in Temple's time I
cannot tell, but I do not believe that the Puritan fellows
read the Anglican liturgy daily, and Bedell does not speak
of his having made any innovation in this respect. The short
chapter of the Bible read (sometimes in Irish) before commons,
and the recitation of a verse or passage during meat by a

^ " Hinc igitur admoniti primo de iis praecipiendum putavimus " — no
the only instance of careless re-editing I have found in Laud's generally
careful work.

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 25;

scholar, in order to suggest a religious conversation, was
changed by Laud into the mere reading of a chapter during
meals till stopped by the tu vero of the Senior in the hall.
The Graces now said before and after meat are those of Bedell,
changed only in one word by Laud.^ Bedell (and probably
Temple) had ordered that daily prayers should be conducted
by the fellows and resident masters. Laud adds : provided
they be ordained, and at least in Deacon's orders. The
fellows and scholars are to take their oath, tactis sancrosanctis
Christi Evangeliis^ an addition quite foreign to Puritan
manners. Likewise the limits of the four terms were now
marked by Saints' days instead of the simple dates in the older
statutes, and Trinity Sunday and Monday are brought into
prominence on account of the title of the College. On that
Sunday there is a largely increased allowance for Commons,
so that it must have been a veritable gaudy^ and on that
Monday the new fellows and scholars have been elected from
Laud's day till now. On the other hand there was a com-
pulsory fast slipped in parenthetically by ordering "corrections"
by the Deans to be held on Fridays at five o'clock — ceenam
enbn ea node nolumus. Bedell had ordered these corrections to
be held after supper. Another indulgence seems to us more
strange in a man of Laud's temperament, and is ascribable to
his dislike of Puritanical asceticism. To the clause forbidding
absolutely the games of dice and cards, on pain of expulsion
after the third warning, he adds, " except at the time of
Christmas and in the public Hall of the College." Otherwise
all sports are forbidden as strictly in the later as in the earlier
code. Amid the general straitening of conditions and increased
severity of punishments it is to be noted that while Bedell has
ordained the same oath for the fellows and the scholars, and in
both a declaration of adherence to the Protestant faith as con-

* Oculi omnium in te rcspicinnt B. sf>erant L. Even the Carolo
conscrvatorc of the second Grace is already in that of Bedell, and had there-
fore no reference oiiginally to the new Charter.

S

2SS AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

tained in the Bible, and a repudiation of Popery, Laud makes
the oaths distinct, and abstains from making the scholar declare
his creed (cap. vi.), but merely puts to him the solemn acknow-
ledgment of the king's supremacy, and the abjuring of the
allegiance to any foreign prince or priest. It is here quite
plain that the new statute provided for the admission of
Roman Catholics into scholarships, though their College
duties would afterwards entail going to the Anglican service
in the Chapel. The use of surplices and hoods was strictly
enjoined. Bedell had made the Fellow swear that the object
of his studies would be theology, that he may be of use to the
Church of God, unless God inclined his mind otherwise (cap. viii.,
sub, fin.). Laud, leaving this clause, with the further exception
of the Jurist and the Medicus, inserts at the end of cap. vii.
another clause requiring every fellow with these two exceptions
to be in priest's orders within three years of his election, or else
to lose his fellowship. The survival of Bedell's clause in cap.
viii. is evidently an oversight. For the contrast between the
tone of the Puritan and the Priest is here very plain. We feel
in the earlier the voiCe of Travers or Temple, in the latter the
voice of Laud. It was a direct rebuff to Bedell, that his clause
ordaining the scholars who obtained Irish places to prosecute
their studies in Irish, and show proficiency in the language,
was expunged, though it was enacted that the sons of citizens
of Dublin and of the College tenants (mostly northern planters)
should be preferred. But then Bedell had since given Went-
worth considerable annoyance by joining the gentlemen of
Cavan in a protest against the exactions of the State, and
showed a dangerous sympathy for the Irish poor and the local
interests, which made him suspected and disliked by Went-
worth. Accordingly care was taken to suppress Irish teaching
in Trinity College. This change was noted at the time and
included by Parliament in the charges against Chappell.

An anti-Irish policy was manifested, not merely in the
matter of studies but in the constitution of the highest

CHAPPELL (1634-40) 259

authorities of the College. Strange to say, in the letters
patent preceding the Statutes, the Provost and Senior Fellows
are still empowered to elect a Chancellor, Proctors, and other
University officers, thus showing that Laud did not differ from
the original conception of the College as a corporation endowed
with University powers, and not the first of a number of Colleges
to be placed under a controlling University. Probably it was
assumed that the Provost, who was from henceforth to be a
nominee of the Crown, would always choose as Chancellor
some great personage of influence at the English Court, for
the importance of the Chancellor was always to mediate
between the College and the Crown. And from henceforth
the Chancellor was to be no mere ornamental head. Laud, in
view of recent quarrels, made himself the primary Visitor, to
whom all serious questions are to be referred by the resident
Visitors, whom he restricts to two, instead of the previous seven.
This was a change which gave great offence, and which can
hardly be understood as less than a direct insult to Ussher.
He had been for years the Vice-Chancellor, and as such primary
Visitor and Chairman of a Board of seven, consisting (with
him) of the Archbishop of Dublin, Bishop of Meath, the Vice-
Treasurer, the Treasurer at Wars, the Lord Chief Justice,
and the Mayor of Dublin. So long as Ussher lived he would
dominate that Court, which was distinctly of an Anglo-Irish
complexion. Probably Laud and Wentworth thought it too
unpopular to remove him, but they gave him, as his only
colleague, the Archbishop of Dublin, who would almost
always be an imported Englishman, and not only if they
differed but when they agreed, their decisions on all important
questions were to be void, unless approved by the Chancellor.
The result was that Ussher took no more interest in his old
College. He came down indeed to the Chapel to hear the
new Statutes read, probably with a very sore heart. He pro-
tested to Laud next year ' against Chappell being allowed to
' Cf. above, p. 248.

26o AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

violate the new statutes. But neither Laud nor Wentworth
heeded him, and from henceforth he withdrew completely
from any part in the direction of the College. Being in
England at the outbreak of the rebellion of 1641, when his
houses and lands were wasted, and a war of many years
ensued, he never returned to Ireland again.

The critics of the day seem not to have appreciated the
gravity of this deliberate thrusting aside of the most learned
and eminent of Irishmen from his supervision over the
College wherein he had lived and worked so many years.
They complain of the offensive treatment of the Mayor of
Dublin, who represented the city that ranked first among the
great benefactors of the College. But no doubt the Mayor
and citizens spoke out, whereas Ussher kept silence, conscious
that the insult had come from the man whom he had himself
urged to become Chancellor and brought in by his persuasion
over the unwilling or indifferent Society.

The greatest innovations were, however, decidedly in the
position of the Provost. We, can well imagine the contempt
with which Laud expunged the preamble to Bedell's fourth
chapter, on the permanent Senate of the College consisting of
the Provost and Senior Fellows : ^^quia in Academ'ica societate bene
constituta ea ratio plerumque tenetur societatis administranda qua ad
Aristocratice formam proxime accedity existimavimus non potuisse nos
huic Collegio melius consulere^ quam et in eo gubernando ad modum
Aristocraticum procederemus^'* according to which Bedell pro-
ceeds to put the whole power of determining all matters in the
College according to the statutes into the hands of the Provost
and major part — nempe quatuor — of the seven Senior Fellows.
But Laud was a monarchist, and determined that the shackle
of the four Senior Fellows, which had hitherto often paralysed
the Provost's action, should only survive in name. The
chapter de cultu divino is moved away in order to allow that
" on the Provost's quality and position " to stand in the fore-
front. The general description — a man of blameless life, a

CHAP PELL ,1634-40) 261

theologian, at least a Bachelor in Divinity, at least thirty years
of age, holding no more that one benefice — is all adopted from
Bedell ; but Laud adds that he may hold any ecclesiastical
dignity short of a bishopric, consistent with his duties
according to the statutes. We may remember that Chappell
was Dean of Cashel when appointed Provost. Furthermore
Laud adds that he must be unmarried and must resign if he
marries. But the three great differences are these: (i) Though
the words of the older statute remain that a son of the College
is to be preferred to a stranger, the clause is rendered nugatory
by the abolition of the old election by the fellows, and the
reservation of the appointment to the Crown. It is quite certain
that it was the intention of both Laud and Wentworth to fill
the place with imported Englishmen. (2) Wherever the
statutes have not laid down a fixed punishment, all the
discipline is in the Provost's hands. He consults upon grave
crimes with the two Deans, who are put under his control ;
and can expel any member of the College on his own
authority. If he chooses he may propose to the Senior Fellows
what censure they think right in any case, and then may go
with the majority ; but in this he is like the king in Homeric
society, who generally and for appearance' sake consulted his
nobles, though the power of life and death was in his hands.
(3) In elections under the older statutes the Provost and major
part of the Senior Fellows, if they agreed, decided the result, but
if that majority after three scrutinies remained opposed to the
Provost, the election for that occasion was declared abortive,
and nothing was done. Laud retained the first two scrutinies
in the same form, but made them idle by adding that on the
third scrutiny whosoever the Provost (or in his absence the
Vice-Provost) had voted for, should be elected. Thus the
majority was of no consequence whatever to the Provost.
He need merely vote three times for his nominee to elect him.
This statute is to the present day the law of the College,
and whenever a majority cannot be obtained in a fellowship

262 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

election the Provost decides. But a great change was intro-
duced into the reading of the statute by the Visitation of 1791,
whereby the majority of Senior Fellows can elect in spite of
the Provost. To translate the words quern major pars Sociorum
Seniorum una cum Prapostto elegerit as " whom the major part
of the Provost and Senior Fellows together shall choose"
(instead of: having the Provost with them) was no doubt a
most safe and excellent translation for the purpose of protect-
ing the College from the acts of an arbitrary Provost ; to argue
that either the history of the Society, the tenor of the
statutes, or the Latin words, justify such a rendering, is to
my mind a task only fit for a lawyer working for his fee ;
yet this was the decision of a first-rate judge, Lord Clare, and
has since governed all the elections in the College. ^

There was one somewhat immoral provision for assisting the
Deans in their duties which was even more pronounced in the
older statute than in Laud's. Bedell had ordained that some of
the scholars should be appointed as ohservatores occulti to report
to the Deans all cases of negligence or disorder they noticed
among the students. Laud preserved the clause, omitting
the two ugly words, and the ordinance lasted down to
about 1820.2

' This constitutional point, arising out of a quarrel of Hely Hutchinson
with his Senior Fellows, excited such interest that one of the fellows,
Matthew Young (afterwards a bishop) published a special treatise called
The Provost's Negative (2nd Ed., Dublin, 1792), wherein all the arguments
against such an absolute veto from the analogous cases of Deans and
Chapters and Mayors and Corporations are admirably marshalled. There
are added, as an appendix, the opinions of several learned lawyers, all in
favour of Young's reading of the statute. As a matter of policy, he and
Clare in his decision virere undoubtedly right. But I do not believe that
Laud, were he brought back from the dead, would have agreed with
this interpretation.

" At which time a porter whispered every week to three of the
scholars, " You are Momm, sir, this week," i.e., magister mortim. It was the
duty of these three to fine at least eight persons 2s. 6d. each, by way of
increasing the income of the College. Hence strutting in the courts,
wearing boots, &c., were made pretexts for these lines. There was no

CHAP PELL (1634-40) 263

It is not desirable in this history to give further details
regarding the management of the College. Without a
knowledge of the statutes no reader is likely to take an
interest in such matters ; and however the specialist in
College lore may delight in a minute collation of these
two codes, and of them with sister codes prevailing in the
Colleges of Cambridge or Oxford, such researches either
assume considerable special knowledge, or require a printing of
long Latin texts in parallel columns. We may concede that
without such researches all accurate and thorough history
is impossible. But the writer who desires to bring the
annals of his College into relation with the history of the
country must refrain from inflicting his labours on the reader,
he must be content to give the results of these labours, so far
as they are strictly germane to his subject. For this reason
I suppress a host of minor details, and return to the public
history of the times.

appeal from them. The scandal was stopped by the three scholars
appointed for one week combining to fine each of them eight of the
fellows. The fines were paid, but the Magistri morum dropped for the
future. This item of more recent College history is nowhere in print, so
far as I know. It was told me by my father, who was a scholar in 1821,
and one of the actors in the farce.

CHAPTER VII

THE GREAT REBELLION AND THE CIVIL WAR IN IRELAND

The years 1639-40 show in our old Matriculation book a
considerable increase in the number of entering students.
Everything seemed prosperous in the College. Wentworth
reports to the king that despite the constant intrigues and
insinuations against him at Court, and the allegations that he
was hated in Ireland, all the various sections of the population
were contented and happy under his government. He does
indeed mention by way of exception in the winter of 1639-40
that some wood kerne had begun again to burn down gentle-
men's houses in the remote country, and that he was taking
special precautions to put this kind of outrage down. He also
knows that there is some excitement among the Irish exiles
abroad ; but he shows no sense of any serious danger, and urges
the expediency of holding a Parliament in Ireland (in March,
1639), which would give the example to England in voting
liberal subsidies for the king's needs. This supremacy of
Wentworth, with his known patronage of the College, must
have acted powerfully upon its material prosperity. We can
still see in the Matriculation book, which begins with his little
son's name, how many of his friends and dependents — English-
men— also sent their sons thither. He tells Laud that the
Provost, now Bishop of Cork, but still kept in the College by
his order, is passing well content. The inner annals of the

26<J

THE GREAT REBELLION 265

College, as we have said, are dumb. The Primate and the
Bishop of Meath had been silenced, and when the Parliament
came together, even without the Lord Deputy's presence to
direct and intimidate them, he found them sitting on his
arrival ( March 23rd ) in perfect docility to his wishes.
They practically voted all the subsidies he required, they
accepted with eflPusive thanks all the nominal graces offered
by the king. They even went out of their way to assure
King Charles of their extraordinary contentment with the
government of Wentworth, now Earl of Strafford and the
king's most trusted minister.

Yet within the year this universal satisfaction had turned
into an universal outcry against his tyrannies, injustices, and
cruelties ; he was a prisoner in the Tower, on trial for his life.
Within a year and month he ended his career upon the scaffold
(May II, 1 641) with the approbation of hundreds of thousands
of Englishmen, and the satisfaction of almost all classes in
Ireland. This astonishing peripety of fortune is not easily
paralleled in history. The fall of Sejanus, Tiberius' confidant,
has been celebrated by a great historian and a great satirist.
But Sejanus was a poor creature in comparison with Strafford,
and Sejanus belongs to a long past century. Among the
contemporary men, if we may compare very small things
with very great, the Provost of Trinity College affords
another example of the wheel of fortune. But he was not
without some warning. When the Irish Parliament re-
assembled in June, 1640, after the bold resistance to arbitrary
taxation made by the Short Parliament in England during the
interval, any intelligent observer might perceive that the
autocracy of Strafford in Ireland was a thing of the past.

There is no policy upon which it is so easy to unite
opposing parties and factions as on the policy of refusing to
pay money. The lavish votes of March seemed madness to
the stingy arguments of June. Many of the members already
repented them of their effusiveness under the dreaded scowl

266 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

of the great Lord Deputy, and were becoming ashamed of
this their extravagant resolution : —

*And particularly in placing over us so just, wise, vigilant and
profitable a Governor as the Rt. Hon. the Earl of Strafford,
who by his great care and travail of body and mind, sincere
and upright administration of justice without partiality, increase of
your Majesty's revenue without the least hurt or grievance to any of
your well-disposed and loving subjects, and to our great comfort and
security by the large and ample benefits which we have received
and hope to receive by your Majesty's Commission of Grace for the
remedy of defective titles procured hither by his Lordship from
your sacred Majesty, his Lordship's great care and pains in restora-
tion of the Church, the reinforcement of the Army within this
kingdom, and ordering the same with such singular and good
discipline, as that it is now become a great comfort, stay, and
security to this your whole kingdom, which before had an army
rather in name than in substance ; his support of your Majesty's
wholesome laws here established, his encouragement and counten-
ance to your Majesty's judges and other good officers, ministers and
dispensers of your Laws, in the due and sincere administration of
justice ; his necessary and just strictness for the execution thereof ;
his due punishment of the contemners of the same, and his care to
relieve the poor and oppressed. For this your tender care over us,
showed by your deputing and supporting of so good a Governor,
we your faithful subjects acknowledge ourselves more bound than
we can with tongue and pen express.'

This obsequious spirit lasted in the College a little longer than
in the House of Commons. But when Chappell saw clearly
both that his patron's power was waning, and that the king's need
of Wentworth would certainly prevent his constant residence
in Dublin to protect his friends, this prudent Provost retired
(July 20th) to his bishopric, resigning his government of the
College with the laudatory resolution already quoted (above,
p. 249), the Collegiate parallel to the Parliamentary effusion
of the previous March. With the fall of Strafford came the
fall of his minions. But for the rebellion of October, 1641,
Chappell's fate might have been even a lesser tragedy of the
* Carte's Ormonde, i. p, 93, from the House of Commons Journals.

THE GREAT REBELLION 267

same kind. For the Irish Parliament, as we shall see, was
determined on punishing him, and though they would hardly
have taken off his head, he would certainly have suffered years
of imprisonment.

Meanwhile upon Chappell's resignation a new appointment
was made by the Crown, no doubt at Laud's recommendation
as Chancellor, but of this not a word transpires. For at this
moment both Strafford and Laud were busy with far weightier
matters than appointing Provosts of Trinity College. Never-
theless the action of the Crown in filling up the place was
exceedingly prompt. The king's letter to the Lord Lieutenant
is dated June 20th. ^ Chappell's formal resignation is dated
in the Registry July 20th. In the same book under August
1st, Richard Wassington, B.D., and Senior Fellow or Vice
Gerent in University College, Oxford, is sworn in by the
Vice-Provost upon receipt of His Majesty's letters.

There is an absolute silence concerning this Provost, his
character and his policy. The elections of fellows and scholars
for the year had been already held on Trinity Monday by
Chappell. Before the next Trinity Monday the new Provost
was inhibited by the House of Commons from proceeding
to any further election. And this was only the cul-
mination of a long series of debates, reports and resolutions
which are formally noticed in the Common's Journals from
February, 1641, onward, but which were of course the
common talk of men from the moment that English agents
came to Ireland to seek out complaints against Strafford.
When everything he did was canvassed and condemned it was
impossible that his alteration of the government of the College
should escape notice. What the new Provost therefore found
upon his arrival in the College was the excitement of a coming
counter-revolution. Thomas Pheasant, the expelled fellow,
was evidently busy in fomenting it, for he ultimately (July, 1641)
presented a petition to the House against the late Provost.
^ S. P., 1640, p. 242.

268 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

The whole policy of StrafFord regarding the College was
attacked in the person of the now Bishop of Cork, the new
statutes were declared a great grievance, and without doubt,
had not the rebellion broken out in October, 1641, and absorbed
the whole country, Chappell would have been impeached,
the statutes would have been abrogated, and those of Bedell
(or most of them) restored. Laud too had fallen like StrafFord
into disgrace with the Parliament, and was under impeach-
ment for similar reasons. The kind of news, in the absence
of newspapers, which reached Dublin must have been enough
to fill Wassington's heart with dire alarms. I think it well to
quote an unknown document as giving a lively picture of the
gossip of the day.^ The acts of the Irish Parliament regarding
the College from February to August, 1641, are worth
repeating here.

"4th March, 1640-1. That the Government introduced into the
College by the late Provost, now Bishop of Cork, and used there

M. R., D 71. ^ "London, 2nd February, 1640 [O.S.J.

" This weeke were published some notable treatises, the one is called
the Jury or Inquisition de jure divino, whether by divine right it is law-
full to inflict punishment upon the Lordly offending Bishops yea or noe.
The other is penned by the judicious Lord Verulam, and was presented
by [? to] King James when he came first to the Crowne, under the name
of Certaine Considerations touching the better purification and edificacon
of the Church of England.

"We receive noe good newes out of our Northen quarters, for the
English army, taking it very il that the Scotts are sooner provided with
monies than they, are fallen to a great muttiny and are like to disband
themselves. The Parliament sate about the busines to-day for the speedie
remedieing of these orders, and for the preventing of the Inconveniences
for the time to come. Satterday, Munday, tuesday was spent in the con-
sideracon after what manner to pass the bill of subsidies, whether they
should use the woord of Comons alone, or add alsoe that of subjects,
Comprizing by it the Nobilitie. Itt was discussed with that vehemcncy
that it was thought there would happen some difference betweene the
two houses. But the matter was taken up at last by admitting of both
these words.

"The bill for calling of Parliament, hath in like manner bin indifferently
discussed, some ptended it should be held yearely, others once in three

THE GREAT REBELLION 269

since the procuring of the late Charter, 13 Charles, hath subverted
the ancient and first foundation thereof, and doth wholly tend
to the discouragement of the natives of this Kingdom, and is a
general grievance.

"It is ordered upon question, that the Committee appointed to
consider the grievances of the College shall draw up a charge
against the late Provost, now Lord Bishop of Cork, since his time
of government in the College, and present the same to this House ;
and that the Clerk of the Rolls shall deliver unto the said Committee
copies of the several charters and other writings that belong to the
College, gratis. And the now Provost and Fellows of the College
are to deliver gratis copies to the said Committee of all such statutes,
charters, and writings as the said Committee shall demand, and
think fit to be copied for their better information ; and that William
Newman and Robert Conway shall be forthwith sent for by the
Sergeant-at-Arms, and answer here unto such matters as shall be
objected against them.

" It is ordered that the Committee formerly appointed to hear the
grievances of the College of Dublin, shall forthwith repair to the
Lords, and humbly desire that the Lord Bishop of Cork may be
speedily sent for to answer such things as by this House shall be
objected against him, concerning his evil government and practice

yeares. Nothing is yet concluded in it. His Ma"« declared himself upon
the last of November very gratiously under his hand to the Scottish
Com" that they should have full power to examine all his Ministers and
that hee was resolved noe waies to protect any of them or to foster them
in his service, if they were found delinquents by the Parliament. Hee
sent alsoe to the house of Comons a gratious message in encouraging
them to goe on in examining all their grievances.

" The Comittees sitt daily, in examinacon of witnesses against the
Deputy and Sir George Radcliffe, though they have already matter enough
to condemn them both. On Wensday a new terrible charge was made by
Mr. Prynne ag' the Lord Lieut., the proffes of some of them were soe
odious and filthy specified by his owne letter, that the house would not
abide to heare of them, yet of late they are not soe invective as formerly,
they being loth to displease his Ma''^-

" Upon the same day the tobacco grievances were taken into con-
sideracon. It was given out that my Lord Gorring who is said to have a
principell hand in these and other monopolies, had hid himselfe or fled
the country. But I am certaine there is noe such matter. Itt continues
that Portugall's ambassador is on the way, and our English mchants have
b" signifying that 30 saile of shipps coming from the West Indies not
knowing of the result were seized upon by those of Lisbourne. The
Parliament takes special notice of these great Concurances of the Ruining

270 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

used at the College, at the time of his being Provost there, and voted
in this House to be grievances, (i. 349.)

" 27th Feb., 1640. A statute lately made, ' that if any student or
member of that Society shall offer to exhibit any complaint concern-
ing the misgovernment or grievances of the said House to any other
than the Provost and Fellows of the same, that he, or they, so
complaining shall be forthwith suspended or expulsed ' — by which
means none of the said students dare exhibit any complaint of their
grievances. It is therefore this day ordered that if any such statute
there be, the same should be in this particular void and of no effect,
and that it should be free for any of the said students, scholars, or
others, to present and exhibit to the said Committee all manner of
grievances concerning the misgovernment there, or any manner of
rights belonging to the said College either wrongfully detained or
unjustly made away. And it is further ordered ihat no student
whatsoever shall suffer under the penalty of that, or any other
statute to that effect there estabHshed, for informing, setting forth,
or discovering the several evils, grievances, and misdemeanours
under which the College now groaneth." (i. 332.)

" Feb., 1640. (p. 353.) The state of the case of the College of Dublin,
for so much as hath been reported to the House for the grievance thereof: —

"Queen Elizabeth by a Charter dated the 34th of her reign on

of our wicked Ministers of State, and the King of Spaines monarchiall
designes.

"There is noe more talke of Amboina busines, but excessive rejoycing
for the arivall of the Holland Embassador and transfactacon of the knovvne
mariadg. Yesterday they had a most stately solem audience in the
Banquetting house, the Queen and the royall children being there present.
The Bpp. of Lincoln his sermon is put of, the Lord Primate preaching
before the Kinge the last Sabath day in divers Churches in London, the
people would not abide the readeing of service, but instead thereof fell to
reading and expounding of whole Chapters and singing of psalmes. The
Arch Bpp of Canterbury being of soe meane a parentage will scarce have
the hon"^ to be brought into the Tower, but rather to the Gat house or to
Newgat ; the Articles are ready against him, but the Chardge is not yett
given up. Amongst other aggravacons of his against forraigne

Churches three spetiall testimonies are alleaged against him which are yet
of fresh memory. The one is for denying the prince Elector's chaplain
to preach at Court. For altering the forme of the last briefe of the
palatine collecons, a cause Intimateing the reformed beyond the seas to bee
of another religion, and lastly for disturbing of the Dutch and French
Churches in their antient and soe long continued liberties."

[No endorsement or address, but clearly from an Irish correspondent in
London.

THE GREAT REBELLION 271

supplication made by Henry Usher in the name of the Citizens of
Dublin, did erect and found the College near Dublin to be a College
and University ; — and among other things gave them power, by that
Charter, of electing their Provost when voidances should happen
of that place, and also power of making laws and statutes for the
better government of that College, to be made by the Provost and
Fellows of that College.

"And likewise appointed them thereby Visitors, viz. : the Chan-
cellor or Vice-Chancellor of the University, the Archbishop of
Dublin, the Bishop of Meath, the Vice-Treasurer, the Treasurer at
Wars, the Lord Chief Justice of His Majesty's Court of Chief Place,
and the Mayor of Dublin.

"Statutes were anciently made, whereby the election and the
whole government were reposed in the Provost and seven senior
Fellows, who were to take an oath when called to their places :
and by the said statutes the natives of the Kingdom were directed
to be preferred to Scholars' -places, and to Fellowships in that
College, before any other the subjects of His Majesty's dominions,
caeteris paribus.

"About Aug., 1634, Mr. Chappell became Provost and continued
Provost unsworn until Trinity, 1637.

"About May, (13 Charles, 1637), a Charter was procured to the
Provost, Fellows and Scholars of the said College, by which charter
the ancient charter seemed to be confirmed in part ; but the
nomination or donation of the Provostship thereby was reserved
or resumed to His Majesty.

"The statutes formerly in force by that Charter were annulled,
and statutes annexed signed with his Majesty's hand, with the hand
of the Archbishop of Canterbury, and thereby it was further com-
manded that these new statutes and none others should be observed,
unless his Majesty should be pleased to add to them or to change
them as to his Majesty might seem meet.

" The Chancellor, or in his absence the Vice-Chancellor, and the
Archbishop of Dublin were appointed Visitors, with assent of the
Provost, Fellows and Scholars ; yet there appeareth but two of the
Fellows that consented to that act and deed — Wm. Newman and
Robert Conway ; so that those two, together with the Provost, seem
the only persons of the College that wrought that change, and by
their consent would bind the whole College, and those two, such
fellows, as by the Visitors, at a visitation held 20th July, 1636, were
deprived of their Fellowships.

" By the late statutes it also appeareth that the Provost should
not hold a Bishopric while he continued Provost ; and the

272 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

natives ought to be preferred, as they were to be by the former
statutes.

" Upon acceptance of the late Charter and Statutes, the Provost
on Trinity Monday, 1637, took his oath to the new statutes, which
oath, during the continuance of the former statutes he would not
take.

"The Provost put back the natives who ought to be preferred to
Scholarships or Fellowships, and fetched strangers of his pupils in
Cambridge, though less learned than the natives, and preferred
them to the Fellowships and offices in the College, and Scholars'
places, less worthy than the natives ; those that were preferred to
Fellowships, having spent little or no time in their studies in this
College, were suddenly so put into them as though they seemed to
have been sent for to accept of them ; when the natives which
expected them were prevented by them.

"The Mathematic Lectures and the Hebrew Lectures were by
the said Provost put down.

" The natives of the kingdom by such practices have been
infinitely grieved, discouraged, and disheartened to follow their
studies.

"The Mayor of Dublin, at whose instance the College was
founded, and the site and lands on which the College stands by
him given, was ungratefully put forth from being a Visitor.

"And the two Visitors appointed are not able to redress the
grievances, for by express words in the new charter, the Vice-
Chancellor and Archbishop of Dublin can do nothing without the
approbation of the Chancellor, who is now the Archbishop of
Canterbury, and if they shall it must be void.

"The Provost, after his acceptance of the Bishopricks of Cork
and Ross, continued Provost of the College above two years, con-
trary to those statutes to which he was sworn.

"There is not among the Senior Fellows who govern with the
Provost but only one native now there ; and whereas by the first
Charter Fellowships were to be but for seven years, by the new
Charter they are to continue their Fellowships for life, so as the
averseness settled in those strangers towards the natives is not to
be removed in their lifetime, if not extraordinarily redressed.
John Dungan, Adam Cusacke,

John Byse, Paul Reynolds,

Brian O'Neale, Archibald Hamilton,

Robert Byse, William Plunckett.

"That the Committee of the House now in England, with the
advice and assistance of the Archbishop of Armagh, should suppli-

THE GREAT REBELLION 273

cate his Majesty for speedy redress ; and that the same may be done
by an Act of Parliament to be passed in this Kingdom, discharging
the new Charter and Statutes, and re-establishing the first foundation
and Charter.

"9th June, [641. (p. 414.) It is voted by the House, nullo
contract., that all and every the proceedings of William Chappell,
late Provost of Trinity College, Dublin, and now Lord Bishop of
Corke, since he assumed upon himself the office of being Provost
of the said College, and during his continuance in the said office are
great grievances and fit to receive redress.

" That the Provost and Fellows of Trinity College, Dublin, shall
this Trinity Monday next, and also hereafter, forbear the election of
Students to Fellowships and Scholars' places, until this House gives
further direction therein.

"Aug. 2, 1641. (p. 521.) For as much as information has been
given that Malachy H organ, John Lissagh, and several other natives
of this Kingdom have presented themselves to sit for Scholars'
places, and by means of the said former order, the Provost and
Fellows may not accept any the natives for such Scholarships, it is
ordered that the Provost and Fellows should forthwith take the
several natives now ready to sit into their consideration, and pre-
ferring those natives bred in the schools of Dublin before other
natives, they, according to their several abilities in learning, may be
allowed the benefit of Scholarship from Trinity Monday last ; to the
end the nation may not suffer by neglect.

"Aug. 7th, 1641. (p. 535.) Whereas a complaint being made
against the late Provost, that he made several leases of the College
lands to the hindrance of the College and the disimprovement of
their revenue ; ordered that the new Provost shall make no lease
of any of the said College lands, nor confirm any such leases already
made, till this House gives further order therein."

Hely-Hutchlnson, in his MS. (p. 159), has no difficulty in
exposing the rash injustice of this attack. The statement
about two fellows only having accepted the Charter is false.
The protest against the tyrannical rule of preventing appeals to
extern tribunals is absurd, for it is the law of every College.
The holding of the Provostship with a Bishoprick was legally
condoned by the special dispensation of the Crown. The general
outcome of the matter is quite plain. Chappell was a creature
of StraflFord, and therefore everything he did was a grievance.

T

274 ^N EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

What could the new Provost do, a stranger to Dublin and
the College, but sit silent, and watch the current of events
leading to an upheaval of the country, and with it of his
authority and of the whole College discipline ? With such a
prospect his nonentity during these anxious fifteen months is
not surprising.

There must have been also mutterings of rebellion and dis-
order throughout the land, though not sufficient to alarm the
easy-going Lords Justices, who had been forced upon the king's
choice. The vigorous and soldierly Ormond, whom Strafford
had recommended, would probably have saved the situation.
People in Dublin seem to have been like the people in Pompeii,
who in spite of sundry rumblings in the mountain, lived on in
carelessness and ease till the day came when the eruption
swallowed them up. These signs had not escaped StrafFord,
who had an efficient army at hand, now disbanded by the
insistence of the English Parliament. The friars and priests
must have been organising their followers actively all through-
out the year.i There must have been plenty of preaching of
treason, plenty of secret seditious meetings, and other prepar-
ations for war. But the peace established by the great Deputy
for the last seven years had spread a feeling of security through-
out the country. The Scotch settlers in the north were
occupied in concerting with the Recusants for a redress of the
grievances inflicted on both by the bishops of the Anglican
Church. StrafFord had played them one against the other ; they
were now disposed to combine against him as the vice gerent
not only of the English king but of the Anglican policy of Laud.

* There are two documents, dated March 31, and September 28, 1639,
in the M. R. (D 60, 61), the former a licence from Joanes de Soria, Pro-
vincial of the province of Castile, to brother Jacob Lacy, to go to Ireland
" for his health's sake " ; the latter from Lacy asking the Provincial leave
to go from Askeaton (Co. Limerick) to Cork to see his friends, and
endorsed with address to Mr. John Barnewell, apparently a false name for
the Provincial then in Ireland. Such documents give us very broad hints
of what was going on.

THE GREAT REBELLION 275

On the 23rd of October, 1641, the storm broke, and though
the attempt on Dublin Castle was foiled at the last moment,
the whole of Ulster was in a blaze. The army which Strafford
had kept at Carrickfergus being disbanded, the larger part of it,
the seven thousand Irish, were ready to join the insurgents for
the sake of both patriotism and plunder. Even where massacres
did not ensue (and they were frequent enough), the English of
the plantation were driven naked from their homes in winter,
to find their way as best they could to a place of safety. And
in that crisis places of safety lay far away and far between.
Like an oasis in that great desert of human crime was the
respect with which Bishop Bedell, and those who sought his
protection, were treated by the natives who felt that here,
indeed, was an Englishman without guile who had sought to
understand and benefit the people intrusted to his care. There
is no passage in modern history which affords us a closer
parallel to this Irish rebellion than the outbreak of the great
mutiny in India, where the contrasts of religion and of race were
not unlike those of Ireland in 1641, and where the half-civilised
majority of subjects wreaked horrid vengeance upon the
minority of masters, excusing to themselves every brutality
under the cloak of devotion to religion and of ardent patriotism.
Worse than all the rest were the outrages upon women and
children, as the hateful brood of foreign usurpers ; and these
crimes led in both cases to shocking retaliations. War, said
Thucydides long ago, is a stern taskmaster, and makes men's
feelings as hard as their circumstances.

These miserable conditions of the country are necessary to
explain to us the few facts we know about the College at this
crisis. It is hard to imagine a society more helpless. Their
Chancellor, Laud, was in the Tower, awaiting his trial for
High Treason against the Protestantism of England. Their
Vice-Chancellor, Ussher, was in England and weaned by many
incivilities and rebuffs from caring for his old College. The
Provost had run away, having "embarked himself for England"

276 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

with the first flight of fugitives from Dublin. The Vice-
Provost, Harding, who was involved in the same persecution
which had fastened upon Chappell, had also disappeared.^ And
here comes out the fatal weakness of the policy of Laud and
Strafford in Anglicising the College. There was but one Anglo-
Irish fellow in the College, according to the complaint of the
Committee, and that was Seele. The rest were all English
strangers. There was no longer a body of local Visitors, such
as the Mayor of Dublin, to take an interest in the life of the
College. The autocracy of Laud and the Provost had
apparently reduced the fellows to mere creatures of the
Anglican policy, having few connections in Dubhn, and no
popularity in the city. This is the real gravamen of the
charge made by the House of Commons against Chappell and
his policy. Moreover, it was certain that all the income of the
College from its northern estates was for the present cut off.
There was every chance of the rebellion spreading to the
south. The livings in the College gift were worthless. They
were indeed vacant, left vacant because the incumbents had

* This fact, which no historian of the College has mentioned, is certain.
Anon., who is careful and well informed in these matters, states (p. 249),
without citing his authority, that on November 20, 1640, the following were
the Senior Fellows : N. Hoyle, Vice-Provost, Seele, Hatfield, Pepper, Beck-
with, Clapton, and Cocke. Accordingly the two English nominees of
Strafford, Harding and Marshall, had already disappeared. If we are not
deceived by homonymy, this very John Harding, D.D., who had come to
promote Laud's policy, turned Puritan with the rise of that party, and is
specially complained of by the king in a letter to the Lords Justices (S. P.,
1643, p. 384). " We are informed by the Archbishop of Dublin that of late
some factious and seditious preachers have appeared in Ireland, &c. We
hear that John Harding, D.D., Sub-Dean of our Cathedral Church, is one
of these preachers, and that, in the absence of the Dean, he allows similar
preachers to ventilate their doctrines in his church. There is to be a
Commission to punish these delinquents," &c. We can easily understand
the College, in a fit of loyalty, probably when the Lords Justices were
deposed in 1643, degrading this man, and taking from him his degree, of
which more presently. He reappears as an active member of the Crom-
wellian Committee for the restoration of the College in 1650 (below,
Chap. VIII.).

THE GREAT REBELLION 277

been driven away, and the rectories burnt. Ruin stared them
in the face.

The House of Commons, however, behaved with commend-
able promptness. Not a week had elapsed since the outbreak
of the Rebellion, when the Lords Justices and Council issued
(October 29th) the following order : —

" Whereas we are informed that the Provost of the College hath
left his charge there and hath embarked himself for England, we do
pray and require the Lord Bishop of Meath and the Master of the
Rolls to repair unto the College, and to take a present account of the
state of the same, and withal to take care to see all such plate as they
have remaining there, to be carried into the Castle together with
such sums of money as they can spare, to be there safely kept for
their use. And we do appoint Dr. Teat to take the government of
the College upon him, until it shall please His Majesty to make
choice of a new Provost, requiring all there to give due respect unto
him," &c.

It then appears I that the Lords Justices appointed Dr.
Faithful Teate and Dr. Dudley Loftus, Master in Chancery,
as temporarii subrectores^ and authorised the former to occupy
the Provost's lodgings in the College. About this Teate
Mr. Urwick has gathered some interesting facts.2 He was
a D.D. and educated in the College. I find that a lad
of the same name, Faithful Teate, son of a local physician
in Cavan, entered in 1640, hardly a year before these
events.3 We do not hear one word further of Dudley
Loftus' share in these transactions. But Teate turned out
a failure. Dr. Stubbs 4 has printed a petition to the Lords
Justices and Council showing that notwithstanding their

^ Stubbs, p. 84, without reference.

= Urwick, pp. 50-2, who shows that he was a consistent non-conformist,
frequently persecuted, and also keeping up his connection with Dublin,
even after the Restoration.

3 Nahum Tate, scholar of the College, poet laureate, and known for his
version of the Psalms, was his son. The name is spelt in various ways.

4 App. xxxiii (2), p. 411.

278 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

lordships have graciously provided for the maintenance of the
College —

" Yet so many and so great are the distempers of the said College,
through the defect of government and all collegiate discipHne for
the space of these seven months past, few acts performed therein,
for u'ant of a Provost, &c., whereby it is much feared that the said
College will return to its former chaos unless sustained by a governor
of extraordinary ability," —

they ask that Anthony Martin, Lord Bishop of Meath,
heretofore for a long time a worthy member of that College,
may be prevailed on to undertake its guidance. This is signed
by thirty-three names, including, I think, all the fellows and
some scholars. The answer is dated, June 14, 1642, and
summons Dr. Teate to be heard before the Council. The
report of the Council to the king must have supported the
petition, for the next document (xxxiii (3) ) is a missive from
the Lords Justices and Irish Council to this effect : Whereas
his Majesty's Letters of March 27 (1643) signifying that "he
is given to understand that the person who has now the over-
sight of His Majesty's College near Dublin, hath many ways
manifested himself to be ill affected unto the present established
government under His Majesty's subjection, and is thereby
liable to a further inquiry made into his life and conversation,
and principally as now His Majesty's kingdoms are full of
seditious spirits who have occasioned the great distractions in
them," the king therefore orders the Bishop of Meath to take
charge of the College, until he shall send over a Provost, and
he orders Dr. Teate to surcease any further direction of the
College. The Council directs him, as well as the Vice-Provost
and fellows, to obey the bishop, and render him all respect and
observation.

It is plain that Teate was attacked because of his Parliamen-
tary and Puritan tendencies. We may from the same causes
explain the degradation from his degree of D.D. of Harding,

THE GREAT REBELLION 279

Chappell's Vice-Provost, who had once been of the opposite
school. We do not find one word in the Registry or in the
State Papers about this degradation ; we only know of it from
a curious paper (M.R., C 75), wherein the fellows vindicate
themselves from the charge of having affixed the College seal
to this act of degradation by the Senate without having the
right to do so in the absence of a Provost.^ The affair there-
fore took place during the interregnum (1641-5), and the
reasons given are so inadequate that we cannot but suspect it
to have been merely the persecution of an unpopular man.
Probably it was the Collegiate pendant to the Parliamentary
attack on Chappell. But as the Lords Justices, Parsons and
Borlase, are usually considered to have been on the Parliamen-
tary side, we find it hard to explain their antipathy to Teate,
and must suppose that the Royalist feeling in the College
pressed them to cancel his appointment, but that it was not
done till 1643, when Ormond's influence replaced theirs in
the Irish Government. Still there can be no doubt that College
and Council agreed to replace this Puritan preacher by a Bishop
of known steadiness to the Crown and Anglican Church,
though certainly no High Churchman.

We have met his name frequently in this history. It may
be well, now that he assumes the control of the College, to
review briefly his life and character.

He was a native of Galway, and possibly born a Papist, for
he is said by Ware (I know not on what authority) to have
spent the early years of his education in France, whither
Galway Roman Catholics generally went. We next find him
at Emanuel College, Cambridge, and specially recommended
to Ussher by his learned correspondent, William Eyre,
who says (in Latin) : —

" Antony Martin dwelt here with us as you know ; you know him
sufficiently well ; I know him intimately. Nationally and in dis-

I have printed the text in an appendix to this chapter.

28o AN EPOCH m IRISH HISTORY

position he belongs to you, and he would be ours, not only in
disposition and our desires and by his own merit, but also by
position in the list of our Fellows, if he had been ours by nationality.
Why do I say this ? I will explain in few words. Since this my
Martin (for so in fact he is, under my care and in a manner guardian-
ship) declines to be ours, I would congratulate him and you if he can
be yours and win a place of Fellow in the College of his country. I
have lately heard that some are shortly to be received into the roll of
the Fellows of Dublin College ; I know also your desire to gather into
your seminary the upright and the learned who may rise to be of use
in teaching arts and instructing youth, or in gathering in the Lord's
harvest in Ireland, — that is the most important. For if you have in
your seminary those who can laudably and successfully train your
youth in philosophy and literature, such as I know well you already
have, it will come to pass with God's blessing, that a better class of
youth may be kept in Ireland without going beyond your range to
Rome or elsewhere. Such an one I trust our Martin will become ;
he is indeed such an one as many wish to be taken for and both in
Uteris humanioribus and in integrity of life, a most genuine Nathanael,
without guile." *

There is no answer from Ussher, or any mention of his
being brought to the College extant, but he appears as " Mr.
Martin," "reading and moderating" in Hilary term, 1609, 2
with a salary of ^^2 per quarter. As he was never a scholar of
the House, he was appointed a lecturer on his coming to the
College. This was evidently Ussher's doing. These wages,
as they are called, are regularly entered every quarter till March,
16 12. In that year he receives and accounts for College
money in the absence of the Provost, as if he were Bursar, as
appears more fully in an audit of Ware's. 3 In this year he goes
to England on the business of the College, apparently 4 the
buying of books for the Library. But he is lecturing again in
College at the end of this year. And on June 3, 161 1, 5 he
signs with Alvey (as Procanc), and his fellows the election ot
an Edmund Donnellan. He must therefore have been himselt
a fellow before this date. In 16 12 he signs next to Temple,

» Ussher's Works, xv. 22, 23. = P. B., 34b.

3 ibid., 75b. 4 ibid., 80b, 82a, 87a. s ibid., 189.

THE GREAT REBELLION 281

and frequently alone with him, as representing all the rest, in
money matters (ib., 204-5). If he was Bursar, he resigned in
1613, when Egerton was chosen. But in that year (November
1 3th) he is appointed Catechist and Lecturer in Divinity in place
of Chappell, who had left. This he held till February, 1615,
when we find the following entry, which signifies to us that
he was leaving : i " Agreed that Mr. Martin should have his fee
of fellowship for one year and a half beforehand, amounting to
jf 12 sterl., provided that he did renounce under his hand all
challenge and clayme to any sum of money dew unto hym
before he was sworn and admitted Fellow. And further that
he be give an acquittance for so much received beforehand for
his fellowship. — W. Temple, Prov." This entry implies that
his salary as Lecturer was not paid him completely, or that
there was some bargaining with him, when he came over ;
also that the questionable habit of giving fellows who went out
after their seven years a "Viaticum," as it was called, was
maintained in this way with Martin. He was paid some un-
earned salary when he was leaving. This most genuine Israelite
without guile was a hot-tempered man, as appears from a letter
of Temple to Ussher, in which he sends his kind regards to all
the fellows except Mr. Martin, and from several later allusions.
But when he passed into the Church, its annals show us that he
was indeed an Israelite, seeing that he at one time held four
ecclesiastical benefices simultaneously. His advancements are
as follows : First, a prebendary of S. Patrick's (Jagoe) ; then
Archdeacon of Dublin, holding with it the treasurership of
Cashel ; Vicar of Galbally in Limerick, and Rector of Batter-
sea, near London ! Then Dean of Waterford, and a preben-
dary of Tuam, and lastly (1625) Bishop of Meath. He also paid
the College £\0 yearly rent for the estate of Bundruis (Co.
Donegal) as a middle man, with tenants under him.

This was the man to whom the College was entrusted in so
great a crisis. He had been driven from his house at Ard-

' P. B., 207.

282 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

braccan early in the rebellion, his property looted, and he
himself in a petition quoted by Ware estimates his losses at
over ^8,000, showing how prosperous a profession the Church
was in Wentworth's time. It is added that he was disliked by
the Lords Justices, and seldom summoned to Council, till they
passed a resolution asking the members thereof to subscribe
some of their plate to meet the crisis. Martin jeered at the
notion, saying that he, whose palace in Meath had been looted,
had nothing left but a few old gowns. He was then actually
imprisoned by the Justices for some time, when he wrote the
petition to the Crown just referred to. It must have been as
an indirect protest against this rough treatment that the College
demanded to have him set over them.

The Fellows had not waited for his appointment to petition
the Council for their yearly allowance, which was now the only
income upon which they could count, and regarding this
petition the Lords Justices and Council had made the follow-
ing minute, unrecorded by the historians, which I quote from a
very illegible copy in the M. R. (D 78) : —

" May it please y' Lqp. — As the losses of many thousands of par-
ticular psons Brittish and Protestants by occasion of this Rebellion
begetts in all good men m*^'' pitty and c'bpassion, so y® calamities
which have thereby fallen upon this k^^dome in generall and therein
upon publique Societies, and amongst them upon y^ Colledge neare
this citty, one of the greatest ornaments of this Kingedome, we
cannot but take to heart with much disquiet of mind, wherefore we
crave leave to offer to y' L^p^ considderation y® enclosed petition of
y® Fellows and scholP psented at this board, and doe earnestly
beseech y' Lp . . . . pvention of y® dissolution of so royal a founda-
tion, whence so many psons eminet in learningandpietie have issued,
that y' Ldp^ would so pvide as treasure may be sent, whereby we
may be inabled to pay the their annuall pention of 400" p. st. now
due for a yeare ending at Easter next and so for the future, seinge
noe revenue can yet be gotten in yet heare for his Maj**® to this or
any other debt of his Maj*'^^ and noe rent due to y® Societie by their
tenants can yet be had, but all th"^ lands remaines in hands of the
rebelles, so as unlesse y** pention be paid y® Societie will be forced
to dissolve, which would be so great a pjudice to this Kingedome as

THE GREAT REBELLION 283

we wish and hope by y"" L^p's noble favour it may be pvented, and
so we remain. Fro His Maj**=^ Castle of Dublin, Ult" Martii, 1642,
y' L^ps to be coiided W™ Parsons, Jo. Borlase, Ormond and Ossory,
C'» Lambart, Ad Loftus, Jo Temple, M. Rothera, Fr. Willowby, Ro.
Meredith."

And in the margin below : —

"To y° Right No^'^ Rob. Erie of Leicester, L^ Lieutenant Gen.
and Govern'^ gfirall of Ireland."

The first and most obvious attempt to satisfy this petition
was the proposal of Ware in the Irish House of Commons
(August 16, 1642) to appoint a Committee to find out what
lands about Dublin belonged to rebels, wherewith they could
now support the College. This inquiry, however, seems to
have been fruitless.^

The old Bursar's book verifies these items, and tells us that
of the ;^344 received, ^^82 was by way of contribution from
the State, and ^\10 borrowed upon deposits of College plate.

We also have, not in the Registry, which is a blank for this
year, but in a loose sheet (D 81), the list of officers chosen on
November 20, 1643 showing that the life of the College and its
official acts were still subsisting. Yet I can find no formal
appointment of Anthony Martin as Provost, though he signs
himself prapos. ColL in the act appointing Ormond as Chan-
cellor, dated March 12, 1644 (O. S.). In the document (M. R.,
C 78), in which Ormond appoints him and Ware to report
on the College, March 13, 1643 (O. S.), he was not yet
formally Provost, though he had been appointed nearly a

* A page of rough accounts of Gilbert Pepper, Bursar from November
20, 1642 to 1643 (B 98), shows that the petition had some further effect,
for he gives a list of sums received in that year, viz., sixteen items amount-
ing to ;^344 I2S. 7d. and ;^3oi 4s. gd. taken out of it for expenses. He
notes that the baker and the brewer respectively had been paid £^7 3s. 5d.
and £54 8s. 6d., deducting is. in the pound, apparently for the Bursar. He
also states the quarterly expenses in four sums, showing an increasing
economy, viz., ;^ioo 12s. li^d., ^^90 4s. ojd., £87 7s. 3d., and £()6 5s. 4jd.

284 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

year before (April 25, 1643), *^ ^^^^ charge of the College.
In KerdifF's petition (M. R., F 83) to be restored to his
fellowship by the Chancellor (which was done), he says that
the delays in legally appointing Martin Provost, which are not
yet over, urge him to make this application. His petition and
the order are dated December 9 and 13, 1644 (O. S.), therefore
only three months before Martin signs as Provost. Thus his
formal appointment must have been somewhere in January or
February, 1644 (O. S.). Barrett says that in a Plate book (which
I have not yet found) he signs as Provost on February i8th.
As he had succeeded to ChappelPs work in 161 3, so now he
succeeds him, not only as Provost, but as a bishop holding the
post, which was distinctly against the Statute. But if this did
not prevent him from accepting the appointment officially, it
was a violation of the letter only, not of the spirit of the law,
for his See was non-existent during the Rebellion, and he was
forced to live in Dublin with his family in great poverty.

In the absence of other documents, the silence of the Registry,
and the general panic and confusion which seems to have seized
the Government of the country, we have but one source to fall
back upon, and that is the old Bursar's book, which contains
the receipts of the College written in one direction, the amounts
taken out by each Bursar in the other, each item signed by his
name from 1626 to 1680. Unfortunately, the Bursars only
register the money as " taken out of the College trunke," and
do not in this book give any details of its expenditure, such as
I have above quoted from a loose paper. Still the general
financial condition of the College is to be reconstructed from
this book. Chappell had written to Laud, after his resignation, 1
that having found the College in debt, he had left it ^2,000 in
hand, and there must have been credit, for the sums received in
the year ending November 20, 1641, that is to say, into the
opening of the Rebellion, are in round numbers ;^ 1,370,
whereas the expenses are about ^1,760. The details of the
' S. p., 1640, p. 242.

■' . ■- - »; • -*'t

THE GREAT REBELLION 285

income — rents, the Crown allowance, and the rest — are all
specified, except the money received from students. In the
year following (counting always from November 20th) there
is only ^^70 obtained, and under the following entries :
"Aug. 27, 1642. Borrowed of ye M' of ye RoUes twentie
pounds, ye Coll. stock being then all spent. Sep. 15th
Borrowed fro Jacob Kir wan which was received from
Mr. Boote fiftie pounds for which there lieth deposited with
him in lew therof for the space of nine months the worth
therof in plate, the names wherof are written in the Coll.
Booke of plate."

These entries are immediately followed by those of Gilbert
Pepper, which have already been mentioned, and which
continue the disastrous pawnings of plate, which scattered or
destroyed a collection quite unique. When even the
remains which the College still possesses form the finest
collection of Irish plate known, what would it have been if
almost the whole of it up to 1641 had not been melted down,
sold or coined during the dire distress of the Great Rebellion ? ^
It seems all the worse because in Gilbert Pepper's year public
sympathy for the College had been excited in England, and
various sums amounting to ;f 183 came from London and
from Cheshire by way of contribution.

The appointment of Ormond as Lord-Lieutenant (Novem-
ber, 1643) iTiarks a change of policy in the management of the
State, and also a great improvement in the hopes of Trinity
College. The Lords Justices were evidently thought guilty
of trafficking with the Puritan party, and Royalist officers were
appointed under Ormond (now Marquess), and from the
following May an allowance of ^3 los. weekly from so-called
dead pays in each company appears in the accounts, which was

' The only pieces now remaining from before the Rebellion are the
flagon and chalice for the Chapel presented by Bishop Richardson in 1632,
and a companion flagon given by Moses and Arthur Hill (of Co. Down)
in 1637. These are still in constant use, and are noble specimens of the
work of the period.

r "^.v

286 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

ordered by him. This, together with £iio from England and
£$0 worth of plate, make up, with a few little rents of parks
about the College, the income (;^234 14s.) of November,
1643, *o November, 1644. The same sad story is repeated
in 1664-5, except that we find now the first mention of tithes
granted to the College, and that Ormond supplements the
weekly ^^3 los. by some small additional benevolences, e.g,^
for one month's commons (July 21st to August i6th) £1/^*
This implies that the daily fare of the College amounted to
9s. 3d. In these days of low prices and scarcity of money,
when daily diet could be provided for two or three pence, the
Society may have numbered about forty. In a petition of
"the students," dated June 20th (without year, F 81), that
they have kept watch (as guards), and are in arrear fourteen
weeks of the 6d. a day granted each of them from the State,
it appears that this was at one time the allowance, and it would
account only for twenty students. To these the fellows must
be added. On January 6th an order of Parsons and Borlase
(therefore not later than 1642 O. S.) forbids the quarter-
master to billet soldiers under any excuse in the College
(F 81).

Regarding the sale of plate this year gives us a few interesting
details. Under the date April 19, 1645, we have this entry
"received of the overplus of the plate coyned by Mr. Scout
(Schoute) £() 8s. 4d.," and the note is added : "This plate
was pawned 1642 to Albert Butts and J. Price, and afterwards
by y" made ov to Mr. Schout 1643, who uppo nonpayment of
y^ moneys coyned the plate, and y^ principall and interest being
paid, there remayned the above named sume." ^ But from
January 29th to the following August no additional plate was
sold. The reason appears in a petition of the fellows dated
August 19, 1645, to the Lord-Lieutenant, which after the usual

' Theodore Schoute was a Dutch merchant settled in Dublin, important
enough to be an M.P. His associate was Wybrants, whose descendants
are still well known and respected in Dublin.

THE GREAT REBELLION 287

self-commiserations goes on to say that "there being some
few small parcells of plate, not hitherto upon exigencies ex-
pended, which uppon the utter failing of other supplies y' Pet'
thought they might make use of, the R'. Rev. Fath. in G.
An. Lo. Bp. of M. (to whom the authority of the House is
comitted) will in noe wise give his consent," &c., &c.
They " therefore pray that f Lo^' would be pleased to persuade
y** %^ Ld. Bishop Provost to give his consent for the mainten-
ance of us by the s'' plate." ^ This may possibly apply to
the plate of the Chapel, which thus escaped sacrilegious
destruction.

The petition was, however, successful, for the sale of plate
begins again in the next month (September 13th) with an
item of j^i7 los. yd., and in the opening of the next year
(November 20th to February 12th) ^^43 are obtained from
this source, though amongst other gifts from the State were
four barrels of herrings, which they sold for ^^4, and the
contributions from the impropriate tithes of Naas, &c.,
granted to the College.

The catalogue of the precious pieces, both intrinsically and
historically, absorbed by these years of want would be worth
making, in order to show the wealth and dignity the College
had attained before its disastrous jubilee.^ Meanwhile the
execution of Laud had left the post of Chancellor vacant, and
the new Provost and fellows, with great good sense, appointed
Ormond. The deed of appointment, with the College seal
attached, is still preserved in Kilkenny Castle.3 Thus a great
Irishman, and a layman, replaced the English prelate or politi-
cian who had hitherto occupied the position — a matter of all
the more importance, as by Laud's statutes the Chancellor was

^ M. R., D 89, a mere rough draft with many corrections, and very
difficult to read.

=^ The last item is on April 2, 1648 ; cf . Stubbs, pp. 85-7.

3 Cf. Book of Trinity College, pp. 11, 32, for facsimile of seal and for the
text.

288 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

to interpose constantly in the government of the College.
There can be no question that Ormond performed this, as he
did every other public duty, v^rith dignity and generosity. He
contributed, and made his officers contribute, to the wants of
the College. His last benevolence before his exile was ^20
given to the College, July 13, 1647, and from the officers of
the army in September, £21 2s. 6d.

On February 25th, on the next page, we find a new patron
and protector : " Received by vertue of a warrant from the
Governour, Coll. Jones, £12"

In the previous May and June the Irish Parliament had
been discussing the revival of the charges against Bishop
Chappell, and the Provost and fellows were asked, " was it
inconvenient to proceed against him," ^ and members were
invited to give the House of Lords details about a new
petition of the College.

But the Society was too anxious about its daily sustenance
to urge prosecutions against the misdeeds of ten years ago.
In those agitated times the government of Wentworth must
have seemed a thing of the far past, and the violences of his
rule a matter of ancient history. It was more important to
secure the sympathy of the Parliamentary party, which could
easily be done by informing them of the early Puritan history
of the College. That this was accomplished successfully
appears both from the friendly and practical patronage of
Colonel Michael Jones, Governor of Dublin till Oliver Crom-
well's arrival, and also from the many sums collected among
pious people in London, and sent over for the relief of the
College.2 Though the College rents from the north and
from Munster had absolutely ceased, and though we hear of
no new students, no Commencements, no public acts
beyond petitions for money, we find the Bursars, who change
every November 20th, husbanding their little resources (about

' House of Commons Journals on May 24 and June 2, 1647.
» Cf. Stubbs, p. 87.

THE GREAT REBELLION 289

j^200 per annum), and even beginning the years '47 and '48
with a few pounds in hand.

Who were these men that steered the College through such
a series of disasters ?

With the Provost we are already acquainted. He was
evidently not a man of letters, but a vigorous man, a learned
man, and an effective preacher. When the Puritan Govern-
ment in 1649 ordered the suppression of the Book of Common
Prayer in Churches, and the use of the Directory^ he disregarded
their order, on the legal ground that the old act of Uni-
formity, ordering the use of the Common Prayer, had not been
formally repealed, and preached, we are told, to crowded
congregations in the Chapel on the heresies of the day till the
plague, which stops all the records of the College abruptly on
May II, 1649, carried him off, and he closed his chequered
career in great poverty but in high repute, and was buried
under the old steeple beside his Chapel.

The Bursars we can enumerate, as we have their entries —
Nath. Hoyle, Gilbert Pepper, Thomas Seele, James Bishop,
John Kerdiff, Will Raymond, James Bishop, Thomas Locke,
and Thomas Vale. Only the last, with three others, had been
elected Junior Fellows in 1646 by special king's letter to Mar-
tin,i and this shows that the Corporation were hopeful enough
to supply their losses in governors. Every Senior Fellow was
therefore Bursar in his turn, and they all dated their election
from the days of prosperity. Not one of them is in any
way celebrated. Seele, the most successful, having been
elected in Wentworth's days, lived to be Provost and Dean
of St. Patrick's under the Restoration. Kerdiff, too, was
an active manager of College finance, and was entrusted by
Cromwell with the re-letting of the College lands in 1657.
He had resigned to avoid accepting Laud's Statutes, had been
readmitted during the Rebellion, and even made a Senior Fellow,
with Raymond Bishop, by special act of the Chancellor

^ Reg., 72.
U

596 AM EPOCH tN IRISH HISTORY

(July 17, 1647) to fill up the necessary number of Senior
Fellows, of whom, at the moment, Seele only was in residence.
Some were dead, and some were fled. Moreover, " for sufficient
reasons set down in the Registry " Hoyle had left on July 20,
1646. The Registry is silent on this point, and Hoyle
reappears among the Senior Fellows under Winter, the
Cromwellian Provost in 1652. It is stated by Urwick (p. 60)
that he went to Oxford, and that he obtained a fellowship
at Brasenose College in 1649. ^^ ^^^ probably invited back to
Trinity College on account of his long experience there. And
yet this scanty record occupies six or seven pages in giving all
the minutes of the evidence against Richard Coughlan, elected
but one year before (1646) with Vale to his fellowship. He
turned out a very uncomfortable person, resuscitating the
traditions of Pheasant, coming unasked into the Board Room,
cursing and swearing, and saying openly that the Provost was
a fool and a knave and that he would kick him. No defence
of Coughlan is given. The three pages of evidence have been
partly torn out, I imagine, by some act of violence of Coughlan
or one of his friends. But the formal expulsion given with
such explicitness and ordered to be put in the Registry some
months after the sentence, shows some timidity, or fear of
prosecution for illegal action, in the Provost and Senior Fel-
lows. In spite, however, of these jars, the new rule of making
fellowship permanent enabled the same small band of other-
wise obscure men to follow a prudent and patient policy,
which the old rapid change of governors would have rendered
impossible. Of students and studies during these times ot
alarm we hear hardly a word. The Matriculation book gives
us the number of lads that entered each year, and from
November, 1641, to November, 1657, we have 4, 7, 4, 3,
then a chasm till 1652, and again 4, i, 12, 6. In 1657
prosperity returns and twenty-six lads enter.

Yet even in these stray entrances the high quality of the
lads does not disappear. Henry Dodwell and Anthony Dopping

THE GREAT REBELLION 291

enter together in 1655, Michael Ward (from Shropshire) in
1656. In 1657 a lad born in New England, and in 1659
one born in the island of Providence, in the Eastern Indies,
appear in the list. Many of these were the sons of pious
ministers, whose missionary zeal had carried them first abroad
and then to Ireland, where crowds were reported to be thirsting
after the Gospel, and during these years John Stearne was
teaching his splendid philosophy of resignation in books of
great and curious learning, to which we shall return. But for
the moment the incipient and slow fusion of the nationalities
in Ireland was rudely interrupted. To be an Irishman now
was to be a Papist, a rebel, and a murderer deserving all the
vials of God's wrath upon his head. And in this disastrous
quarrel Trinity College was unavoidably upon the English side.

M. R., C 75. APPENDIX. [Cf. p. 279.]

Reasons moving the Sen. Fell, to put the Public Seal to the
certificate of Mr. Harding's degradation : —

1. The clause in the statute prohibiting the Seal to be put to any
instrument in the Provost's absence relates to things which concern
the College only. This was a particular concerning the University,
which having no other scale than what is of the House when it is
required in things concerning the University altereth its propriety
and cannot be denied.

2. In things signed by the House w" it is presupposed to be the
College seal only the ordinary form of instrument goeth iVos
Prcepositu and Socii Sen., &c. In this certificate it was only the
declaration of an University Act without any such form.

3. The Vice- Provost having consented to the reading of the
Proposition for Mr. Harding's degradation in the University
included his own vote in the House, and being conscious to the
business as far forth as it concerned the House, we could not expect
his negation to the certificate for what before his own eyes was done
in the University, espec. having formerly frequently consented to the
sealing of the Rev^ Father in God the Lord Bishop of Meath, to
whom the care and charge of the College is by his Maj. committed,
being one of those by whom the seal was commanded, we suppose
in a matter (the omission whereof would be scandalous to the

292 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

College and the doing of it no way inconvenient) his Lordship's
authority, though in other things not actual!}'' exercised yet being in
this express, and by us not in anything ever denied, was sufficient,
being consentiente Prcvposito to conclude our obedience.

Lastly. In a thing wherein there was no apparent inconvenience
to the House. The Fellows were desirous rather to approve their
obedience to the commands of the Pro-Vice-Chan^''"°'' in the name
of his Maj"^^ Commissioners than to stand upon the nicety of a
statute the literal observance whereof in the absence of the Provost
these two years they conceive would not but have been much
prejudicial to the College.

[It appears from this that His Majesty's Commissioners actually
influenced the Pro-Vice-Chancellor to hold a Senate and degrade
Harding, and that the Vice-Provost, sitting with him as the second
member of the Caput, made no objection at the time, though after-
wards he raised difficulties. As there had been no formal Provost
for two years the date must be near the close of 1643.]

CHAPTER VIII

THE PROTECTORATE — WINTER (1652-60)

The plague and the Provost's death were the last and worst
calamities which interrupted even the regular recording of the
Bursar's work. From May 11 to November 20, 1650, there
is absolute silence. Then six months of entries from Neylan,
Bursar, then a huge gap with only two entries of Miles Symner,
till 1655. So likewise the receipts, which in those first six
months amount to £2"]^^ of which ;^ioo was a bequest or
Mr, John Collins of the City of Dublin, vintner, were chiefly
grants from the Parliamentary Commissioners, and they stop
abruptly ; so does the Registry. We must seek, in the
external circumstances of these eventful days, the explana-
tion of this strange collapse and silence among the men who
had held the College together so long under such adversity.

No historian of the College ever threw any light on this
chasm till Mr. Urwick, in his pamphlet, gave us extracts
from the acts and documents preserved in the Dublin Record
Office. The exact date of Provost Martin's death does not
seem to be known, but it happened, as I believe, in May,
1650, when the English Parliament had already commenced
(March 8th) to take new action regarding the management
of the College. This is the document : —

" All castles, lands, tenements, rents, which did heretofore belong
to the late Archbishop of Dublin, the Dean and Chapter of St

293

294 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Patrick and the farm of Ardbrackan, with the parsonage of Trim,
shall be vested in Henry Ireton, William Basile, attorney-
general, Col. Robert Venables, Sir Robt. King, Col. Henry
Cromwell, John Cook, Dr. Henry Jones, Dr. Jonathan God-
DARD, Col. HiEROME Sankey, Dr. JoHN Harding,^ James White-
lock, John Owen (clerk), Robt. Stapleton, Jenkin Lloyd,
and Ralph Cudworth (clerk), to hold in trust for the settling and
maintenance of the CoUedge now in or near the city of Dublin,
commonly called Trinity Colledge, and of a Master, Fellows,
Scholars, and officers therein ; and for the erecting settling and
maintenance of one other Colledge in the said city of Dublin, and of
a Master, Fellows, Scholars and officers and of publique Professors in
the University there ; and also for the erecting, establishing and
maintenance of a Free School, and of a Master, Ushers, Scholars
and officers there, in such manner as by the said Trustees, or any five
or more of them, with the consent and approbation of the Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland, shall be from time to time directed. And
the said Lord-Lieutenant is hereby authorised and appointed, by
warrant, to place in the said University, Colledges, and Free
Schools respectively, such persons to be Governors, Masters, Public
Professors, Fellows, Scholars, and officers, and to appoint unto
them such yearly stipends or salaries out of the premises during
their respective lives, or for such lesser time as he in his judgment
shall think fit. And likewise to remove and displace such of them
as he at any time shall hold expedient. . . . And the said Trustees,
with the consent and approbation of the said Lord-Lieutenant, are
authorised to consider of and put in writing such rules, directions,
statutes, as they shall think fit, for the erecting, maintaining and
government of the said University, Colledges, and Free School,
and of the Masters, Professors, Fellows, Scholars, and officers there,
and the same to send over in writing to the Parliament of England,
there to receive such alterations, addition or confirmation, as by the
Parliament of England shall be thought fit."

And in the mean time the said Lord Lieutenant is hereby
authorised by warrant to put in execution all or any of the rules,
directions, statutes, as shall be so agreed upon and put in writing
as aforesaid."^

It does not appear from this document that of this Com-
mittee Owen was the leading member, but Mr. Urwick

* Apparently Wentworth's nominee of 1637, above p. 247.

2 Henry Scobell, Collection of Acts, anno 1649, cap. 74 ; part 2, p. 104.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 295

shows it from his memoirs and letters. There follows a most
interesting letter from the Trustees, also brought to light in
this connection by Mr. Urwick : —

"To Mr. John Owen, Minister. We have enquired into the
present state of the Colledge of Dublin, and do find it furnished
with very few officers, the consideration whereof (and the house
being at present visited with ye pestilence) move us to dissolve that
Society until it shall please God to remove the sicknesse, and some
means found out to establish a course which may probably conduce
to those good ends. We desire you (whom we find to be one of
the Trustees of the Colledge) upon advice with Mr. Thos. Goodwin
or others will seriously consider what laws, rules, are fitt to be
established in the said Colledge, wherein we desire that the educa-
tion of youth in ye knowledge of God and principles of piety may
be in the first place promoted. . . . What God shall direct you in
this matter we desire you to communicate to us with all convenient
expedition, and likewise what qualifications are requisite in ye
admission of persons according to the course now used in your
University. Dublin, 2nd July, 1651."'

From this it appears that Owen was regarded as the proper
authority to draw up regulations and make suggestions about
the College, now practically dissolved owing to the plague,
which seems to have raged in Dublin for a whole year. It
appears that the other clerical trustee, the famous Ralph
Cudworth, was also in Dublin for a short time, and may have
helped Owen with his Cambridge experience. It is to be
regretted that this man was not chosen to remain as Provost,
instead of Winter, as his name would have added no small
lustre to the history of the College.

The documents in the Record Office tell us that the letter
to Owen, just quoted, was followed promptly by the appoint-
ment of Samuel Winter to control the College. But it was
not his formal appointment as Provost, which, as in Martin's

^ Public Record Office, Dublin, Commonwealth Records, Vol. A-39, fol. 10.
There is on f. 120, a letter to Mr. Harrison : encouragement for him and
his friends in New England to settle in Ireland ; promises of religious
freedom, suitable lands, &c.

296 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

case, was delayed for a considerable time. This latter,
however, is copied in the Registry, under the date June 3,
1652, and was signed by Oliver Cromwell. Yet in a previous
entry, wherein the conferring of the degree of B.D. on him is
registered, he is already called Provost. ^ The entries (already
quoted by Mr. Urwick) show how the reconstruction was
begun.

The first of them, and one of public interest, was to
appoint Major Miles Symner (an old scholar of the College)
Professor of Mathematics, in order to instruct intelligent
young men in the art of surveying lands — an enormous work
at that moment, for which there was no efficient staff at
hand. Even soldiers were allowed to attend his lectures. 2
Another has a great permanent interest to members of the
college, the appointment of John Sterne as Fellow. His
matriculation is in the book, at the age of fifteen, on
May 22, 1639, and he is even then remarkable as being the
first student in the book styled Pensionarius.'i

There was evidently a prudent desire to bring back or keep
such of the older fellows as were willing to work under the
Cromwellian rule. Nor was this unreasonable to expect.
The College had from the beginning been Puritan in spirit
and traditions. The High Church irruption of Laud and
Chappell was superficial ; it had only lasted for a few years,
and had passed away like an evil dream. In the com-
plexities and confusions of parties that distracted Ireland for
eight years, the College had been from its very nature spared
all trafficking with either of the Roman Catholic parties.
The only question for the Fellows to solve was whether they
would be Royalists or Parliamentarians. And even in this

* Reg., November 18, 1651. = ibid., 95.

3 Up to that time there are only three classes occurring in the book
(which, unfortunately, begins only with 1637), viz., Sociorum commcnsalis
(fellow commoner), scholarmm commensalis, and Sizator. From 1639
onward pensioners occur more and more frequently, and scholarium
commensales less and less, till 1662, when the latter disappear.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 297

dilemma there were not wanting elements of mediation. For
if they were a Royal foundation, aristocratic in senti-
ment, they were distinctly friendly to the Parliament in
their Evangelical doctrine. Ussher, as we know, commanded
to his death the respect of Cromwell and his Independents.
No English bishop held that position. If Bedell had lived,
with his contempt of vestments and of organs in church, he
would probably have been similarly appreciated. Henry Jones,
Bishop of Meath and Vice-Chancellor, was a brother of
Michael Jones, the Cromwellian general, and dropped his title
of bishop for the time, while remaining in his position of
Vice-Chancellor. ^

Hence the College had hardly to change its views on
religion, and was only required to acknowledge the new
Government, which caused no great heartburnings. Moreover,
as has been said above, the new Government came in bringing
back old friends. Joseph Travers, who had been made fellow in
1630, was summoned from England and made a Senior Fellow
and Professor of Civil Law. Nathaniel Hoyle, who had gone
to Oxford for some years, came back as Vice-Provost. Stearne
and Cusacke belonged to old Dublin families, known for their
Protestantism. Both names were connected with the Usshers,
and appear constantly in the records of Dublin City. Norbury
and G. Marsden were educated in the College. Ed. Veale

'^ He showed his interest in the College at the moment of its revival by
furnishing, with fittings, the interior of the library then existing. From
this older building, now gone, two graceful staircases have been trans-
ferred to the present one, with the handsome brass which commemorated
the gift :—

MS
Coat of R.D.D. Henrici Jones S T D.

Arms. Hujus Academice Vice Cancellarius
Qui propriis sumptibus banc
Bibliothecam pulcherrimo graduum
Apparatu fenestris classibus
subselliis casterisque ornamentis
instruxit auxit collocupletavit
Ann° ^rae Christi MDCLI

298 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

(or Veele) had connections with Ireland, and a Veele is
actually entered (in 1641) as natus in hoc Collegio (a strange
birthplace !) in the year 1624. With an additional sprinkling
of ministers from famous Puritan families in England, like the
Marsdens, or New England, like the Mathers, Owen and
Winter might fairly expect the derelict College to be well
furnished with new guests.

Why Winter was appointed, and not Owen, we cannot
tell. He was summoned to attend the Commission sent to
Ireland in 1650 "for the settlement of that most distracted
and ruined kingdom," as a godly, able, and orthodox Divine.
For this call he left a valuable living at Cottingham, near Hull,
where he was comfortably settled with a rich wife, who was
most unwilling to cross the sea to Ireland. But he was a
devoted and zealous minister, whose " opportunities were his
riches," as he often said, and the want of Gospel teaching
in Ireland was then notorious. The biographer who writes
the Life and Death of the Eminently Learned and Pious and
Painful Minister of the Gospel^^ describes him as from his
youth subject to fits of exaltation, in which he heard voices,
saw visions, and felt in personal and intimate communication
with God, with whom he wrestled in prayer, as Jacob did
with the angel at Peniel. He had devoted himself from
the age of twelve, in answer to a heavenly voice, to the
work of the ministry, and took every pains at school and
at Emanuel College, Cambridge, to qualify in learning for
his profession. The Puritans of that day still kept up the
noble tradition of Travers and of Ussher, that those who built
their faith on the words of the Scripture were bound to know
it in the original, as accurately as possible. Thus he was
fitted to take his place as the head of a seat of learning. He
confined himself, moreover, to teaching theology, and to con-
stant preaching both in the College and the city, and the
volume of sermons, or rather the heads of sermons, which he
* By J. W., London, 1671,

THE PROTECTORATE—WINTER (1652-60) 299

had preached before Lord Deputy Fleetwood and Henry
Cromwell show the widen ess of his learning and the subtilty
of his arguments.^

He is said to have '* given several considerable sums yearly
for the support and encouragement of some poor scholars in
the University of Dublin, besides a large sum or money dis-
bursed out of his own purse towards furnishing the Library
there with books." 2 His general character makes this very
credible, though the Registry is silent about it, and though
the Matriculation book does not bear out in all its details the
statement " he, out of his zeal, &c., in a short time encouraged
and procured the return of divers fellows and students to the
College, as also the coming over from England of several
hopeful young scholars, whereby the College was suddenly
replenished with many religious and hopeful young men,"
whom he taught and prayed with assiduously both in chapel
and in his lodgings. The remark must apply to the pious
preachers he brought over and made fellows. For, as already
noted, the Matriculations do not show a rapid increase ot
students till 1657.

But Winter was not to blame ; he was not only a zealous
Christian and a learned man, but a thorough gentleman. He
evidently had no strong feeling against the Episcopal Church.
Nothing is clearer from our scanty documents than that both H.
Cromwell and Winter were afraid of abolishing the Established
Church in Ireland before another set ot ministers could occupy
the charges of the Episcopal clergy. Winter gives in his

* Gilbert says {Uist of Dublin) that Fleetwood being an Anabaptist,
even kept a preacher at Christ Church to controvert Winter. There
is no trace of any such opposition in the Dedicatory Epistle to Fleetwood
and Cromwell prefixed to the Sermons. The book was published in 1656
(Bladen, Dublin). The notes teem with quotations from Greek, as well as
some from Hebrew. By one of his College ordinances preserved in the
Registry, Winter makes a knowledge of Hebrew necessary for the M.A.
degree.

* Life and Death, &c., p. 36.

300 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

notebook ^ the thirty-fifth article of Cromweirs orders relating
to the Church on the maintenance of able teachers, and pro-
viding that till provision for the clergy be made, the existing
maintenance for them shall not be disturbed or impeached.
The succeeding article gives liberty of conscience to all those
holding varieties of opinion, provided such liberty does not
extend to popery and prelacy. Accordingly, in another part of
the notebook (pp. i sq.)^ Winter carefully enumerates all the
benefices in the diocese of Meath and their yearly values, also
such Rectories as would soon fall out of lease. He enumerates
with equal care the advowsons granted to the College by
James I., and in 1659 the Provost and Senior Fellows formally
appoint Mr. Robert Auld by a mistake to the combined
Rectories of Cleenish and Derryvullan, and presently separate
them and appoint Mr. John Dale to one of them,^ and also
master of Enniskillen school. Dr. Stubbs quotes another
case of a blunder of this kind made by these inexperienced
men. Winter's policy was clearly expressed by that of
his Senior Fellow, Samuel Mather, ordained at Drogheda
December 5, 1656, and then preacher in Dublin. "Though
he was a Congregational man," says Wood, "and a high
Non-conformist, when the Lord Deputy (Henry Cromwell)
would send him to Munster to displace Episcopal ministers,
he declined, as he did afterwards the like in Dublin, alleging
that he was called to preach the Gospel, not to hinder others
from doing it." 3 Of course he had soon learned that the
Evangelical clergy of Ireland were little removed from his own
doctrine.

These men never seem to have thought about the Romish
controversy. Winter's great and earnest trouble was with the
Anabaptists, against whom all the arguments in his published

» Called Collections, p. 35, in the Library, MS. 804, 6. Cromwell
pensioned many of the deprived Irish bishops.

2 For these accounts cf. Reg., 94 and 97,

3 Quoted from Urwick, p. 78.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 301

sermons are directed. Hence in his notebook he is particular
in telling us the number of infants he baptized, and this
ceremony (he dared not call it a Sacrament) he held to be
one of the greatest means of grace. He also gives numerous
lists of marriages, for performing which there was a great
deficiency of clergy. He is said to have impoverished himself
greatly by coming to Ireland, and to have left the College
much indebted to him, and the latter is probably true. The
love of good horses was his one weak point, and some of
them, which he had brought over with him, the Irish army
stole from him on one of his journeys with the Commissioners.
The accounts of his later journeys, which he carefully kept,
show us constant and considerable items for the keep of his
horses — shoeing, grazing, frost nails, &c. ^ There are also
liberal allowances for his servants, such as "Tobacco, Tom
3s., and Zachary, a pott, ^^i los." Tom may possibly be his
nephew. In any case it seems a worldly item. Happily we
can learn from his extant will that he recouped himself for his
losses by acquiring considerable estates in Ireland — one in
King's County of 1,000 acres and another, still larger (Agher)
in Westmeath, which he bequeathed to his sons and nephew,
and which their direct descendants still enjoy. These must
have been grants of confiscated lands from the Commissioners
to make up for the loss of his comfortable English living. We
also find in his accounts a number of small rents for houses,
&c., in Dublin and Drogheda received for his mother, who
did not die till 1659. This must have been a State grant for
her support, and amounted to over ;^ioo per annum.

Entries of the public acts of his rule in the College are
but scarce in the Registry. Soon after Henry Cromwell came
to command the army in Ireland 2 he was elected by Winter

* There is a peculiar breed of very large horses still kept at Mr. Winter's
place, Agher, in Westmeath. It would be interesting to know whether
they are derived from the Provost's importation.

=* A stray line on a blank page (83) in the Registry, with no signatures
states the bare fact that Cromwell was made Chancellor on March 16, 1653.

302 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

and his fellows Chancellor of the University — an act absolutely
ignoring the fact that Ormond, though in exile, was alive
and indisputably the legal Chancellor, who accordingly re-
sumed the post with the Restoration. The affair seems to us
almost ridiculous, but had its practical uses, for this Cromwell
proved a kind friend to the College. If we may conjecture
the practical excuse for doing it we shall find it in the proclama-
tion of the new Chancellor that strict obedience shall be given
to the Provost.^ This document clearly points to some dis-
turbance in the College — a sign of returning life, and Winter
may have felt that he wanted the support of the head of the
Government as Chancellor. His support in matters of finance
was not less useful. The Bursar's book shows that in 1656
the Crown grant of ;^388 15s. was again recognised and two
quarters of it in debentures of ^^96 15s. 8d., as well as a
year's arrear, paid to the College. The Commissioners had
also attended to the petition of the College and admitted the
representations of their Senior Fellow, and now agent, John
KerdifF, who was able to identify the College estates and save
them from confiscation among the Cromwellian adventurers
and soldiers. The former tenants, if not killed or outlawed,
began to pay rent and arrears to save their interests. Numerous

This is earlier than we should have expected, for Fleetwood was still Lord
Deputy. But I have found in Thurloe (ii. 162) a letter from Dublin dated
March 13, 1653, giving a lively account of the landing of H. Cromwell at
Ballock (near Kingstown) and his enthusiastic reception by all classes
except the Anabaptists. The writer adds : " Yesterday (March 12th) he
visited the College, where his Lordship was entertained with copyes of
verses, speeches, and disputations." This shows that there was organised
life there, but says not a word about his being made Chancellor that week.
I suspect, therefore, the date of the appointment in the informal note to be
false and that he did not become Chancellor till some years later (1658?).
The act of making Stearne Hebrew Lecturer lacked his confirmation till
1659, though made in 1657. There is the copy of a petition (M. R., F 87)
made by the Provost and Fellows to him as " Commander of the
Forces and Chancellor of the University of Dublin," which is endorsed
February 16, '55. But I do not think this title and endorsement conclusive.
^ Keg. 84.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 303

new leases were made by KerdiiF in 1654-7, ^^^ ^^^ ^^"^^
"taken out of the trunk" in these years (1656-1660)
amount to over ;^900 per annum.^

There was therefore now again an ample income to support
a large Society. What evidence can we find in the records
to show the numbers of Junior Fellows, scholars, or students ?
The only serious complaint the historian has to make against
Winter and his rule is that there were no regular annals kept
of College events, exeats, fines, elections, &c., the Registry
only containing isolated entries. So also the Bursar's book,
containing an accurate list of the monies taken out by the
Bursars, has no accompanying details of the expenditure, and
there is an almost complete absence of all those stray papers in
the Muniment Room, from which the present history has derived
so much information during the earlier years of the College.
Winter was not careful of these things, and whatever papers
he had, apart from his little book of Collections y he probably
kept in his own lodgings and carried away with him when he
was displaced by the Restoration. Of the lives of his fellow-
workers and compeers we have only one side recorded — their

^ We have in the Mumiment Room (F 86-90) a series of papers con-
taining a petition to H. Cromwell for power to collect rents (Feb. 27, 1655),
an order authorising Kerdiff to do so (Sept. 6, 1655), an earlier provisional
lease to Robt. Maxwell (afterwards Bishop) of some lands in Armagh
at a rent to be presently fixed for the rest (1654). There is also
a Report (March 8, 1656) on the evidence produced by Kerdiff as to
the title and conditions of the College estates in Munster given in the
appendix to this chapter (cf. also M. R., A, iv. a), and lastly a list of
the tenants and their rents for Kilmacrenan, let to them in 1656 for three
years, in Winter's own hand. The Provost seems to have confined his
attention as to leases to the Ulster estates. He has given us {Collections^
p. 58) the gradual improvement in the College rents in the years 1652, 3,
and 4. In Donegal alone the rents in 1654 improved by ;^300 in spite of
the heavy duties required by the pubHc purse both on land and stock, viz.,
out of Dr. Richardson's lease in Tirhugh total rent ;^ii6, public rent
;^28 los. 8d., College rent £d>'7 9s. 4d. This was very different from the old
Crown rent, and is quoted from his note upon the true value to the College
of the estate. The conditions of lease in Kilmacrenan are given p. 65,
showing that there was a cess charged on all the stock of the farms.

304 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

religious labours and experiences, while their dealings with the
world, often shrewd and practical enough, are studiously ignored
by their pious biographers. We have already cited the case of
Winter in this respect. There are, however, a few items in
the Registry on a great public movement among the soldiers in
favour of Irish learning, which are interesting symptoms of the
spirit of the times, and to which we shall presently return.

It is but common justice to Winter, who has been treated
with great contempt by the writers in the Restoration and those
that have copied them, to enumerate some other yet unnoticed
entries. At the very outset (September, 1652) the porter
is commanded on no account to allow the drying of clothes in
the Quadrangle or the free entry of women without an order
from the Provost or fellows. In the same month comes the
appointment of Joseph Travers to the professorship of Civil
Law, showing that secular studies were not to be neglected.
During May, 1654, twelve students are granted the B.A. and
seven the M.A. by consent of the Provost and Senior Fellows.
On May 4, 1655, one B.D. and fourteen A.B. degrees are thus
consented to. Nothing is said about any formal Commence-
ment, nor is the consent of either Chancellor or Vice-Chancellor
set down. But how dangerous an argument from the silence of
the Registry may be appears from entries in the Matriculation
book — which is quite the wrong place to put them — to the
effect that on June 2, 1659, John Tailor, seven years a student
at Magdalen College, and John Clearke, also of Oxford, are
admitted M.D., being recommended by the Chancellor, Henry
Cromwell, in plena Senaiu Academico, On the same day Thos.
Crompton from Brazenose takes the M.A. omnibus exercitiis
prastitis, John Thompson, a few months later, is admitted
M.A. ad eundem from Glasgow. There were therefore solemn
meetings of the Senate held in 1659, and most probably
from the beginning of Winter's rule. In 1654 it is agreed to
give Dr. Robert Maxwell a lease of lands in Co. Armagh.^ On
' Corroborated by M, R,, F 88, in September.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 305

February 2, 1654, formal leave of absence is given to Joshua
Cow^ley, M.A., for six months. We are not told vi^hat his
duties and emoluments vi^ere. In the same month John Stearne,
the Registrar, is granted leave to sleep in the city or elsewhere,
for the practice of his profession of physic. In November,
1656, Stearne is appointed Professor of Hebrew at a salary of
j^30 for life, which act is confirmed, with modifications as
to salary, by the Visitors in later acts.^ In May, 1658, a
deed was signed with one Robert Stearne to let and dispose of
to the best advantage the College lands in Co. Limerick on
leases of twenty-one years, getting a salary of ^^30 for the first
year and £^10 for the remaining twenty. In June, 1659, the
regulations are passed (Reg., 89) requiring from all candidates
for B.A. and for M.A. a competent knowledge of Greek,
Rhetoric, and Hebrew. There is no mention made of
examinations, but merely of certificates from the lecturers in
these subjects. The election of annual officers on November
20, 1659, is recorded (Reg., 91), and on February 23rd in the
same year (O. S.) that one James Clelow^ has been co-opted
in the fourth class, viz., a Senior Sophister — one of the
curiosities of false perspective in a book that omits most of
the important occurrences in the College. Such is also
Winter's last act (April 2, 1660), to remit the com-
mencement fees (^i 4s.) to two students on the ground
of their good behaviour and proficiency. There immediately
follows (Reg., 92) the first stroke of the death-bell of the
Protectorate in the College. "March 29, 1660. By the
general Convention of Ireland, upon reading the petition of
several scholars of Trinity College, Dublin, and consideration
had thereof, it is ordered that Dr. Samuel Winter, Provost,
and the severall fellows of the s'' College uppon sight hereof

* 1657 and 1659. Reg., 90 and 87-8.

= This Clelow, a curious name, had entered from Chester on July 17,
1657, and was raised to this, the fourth class, before his proper time
Hence the special entry.

X

3o6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

deliver into the hands of Mr. Caesar Williamson and Mr.
Francis Saunders or one of them the originall Charter of the
s'^ College and that the s'' Mr. Saunders doe deliver to the s'*
Petitioners a true coppie of the oath mentioned in the locall
Statutes of the s"* College which the respective Provosts thereof
did usually take at their admission, to the end the s'* schollars
and their Councill might peruse the same. — Signed, NiCH.
Barry, Clerk of the Gen. Convention of Ireland."

Though we are told nothing more, the situation is plain
enough. The political pendulum had swung back to Royalty,
the Restoration of Charles II. was imminent, and those who
served the times must hasten to make their peace, if they would
bask in the rising sun. It is obvious that Caesar Williamson
and Francis Saunders were the promoters of this petition
among the scholars, though they were Senior Fellows, and
associated with Winter in his daily work. They knew
perfectly that such a petition was directly contrary to the
statutes, which confined appeals of students to the hearing
of the Visitors. Though Henry Cromwell was gone, they
might lawfully have appealed to the Chancellor Ormond,
whose return was to be expected. But there was probably no
time for these legalities, or compunction in violating them, in
the great hurry to declare for the Restoration. So Winter
disappears silently, without protest or complaint, displaced, it is
assumed, technically, for not having taken the Provost's oath —
as the petition plainly suggests — leaving behind him a good
reputation, and taking with him his title to the Irish estates,
which he was able to secure for his descendants.

Before we conclude our estimate of the condition in which
he left his College, we must review the action of the Protector
regarding the promotion of higher education in Ireland outside
the College. There can be no doubt that Ireland was now
more completely pacified than it had ever been since the
English Conquest. The strong hand of Cromwell, and the
thorough sweeping out of the religious fomenters of native

THE PROTECTORATE—WINTER (1652-60) 307

rebellion, together with his enlightened treatment of Irish
industries, were rapidly healing the terrible wounds of his
ruthless sword. Even the confiscations of land, and transplan-
tations of natives and Anglo-Irish gentry to Connaught, cannot
have been either so thorough or so cruel as they are painted by
prejudiced historians. The following facts are established with
certainty from Winter's private notes of his life and work in
Ireland. He travelled frequently through the remotest and
wildest parts of the north (Tyrone and Donegal) and also to
Kerry — counties inhabited generally by the natives, with some
English settlers scattered among them. Excepting the stealing
by " the Irish army " of his horses, we cannot find that he
ever incurred the smallest danger or annoyance. He never
speaks of requiring any escort, or taking any precautions,
yet he does tell us that he carried large sums of money,
apparently College rents, which he had received. But if
we should gather from this that the native population had
been extirpated, such an inference is refuted by the fact that
more than half the new tenants of such an estate as Kilma-
crenan in remote Donegal were people of unmistakably Irish
names, paying small rents, and thus in peaceable occupation of
their homes. On the other hand I can trace no attempt to
induce Irish Roman Catholics to come and reside at Trinity
College, as was the policy of earlier Governments, in the hope
that they might adopt the creed of their educators. The
Puritans were too uncompromising for that policy and indeed
the massacres of 1641 had placed a great gulf between the
races, and had rudely checked the assimilation which had
long been doing its quiet work.

But as far as native tenants were concerned — and these were
not the ditchers and delvers with property less than ^^lO, who
were specially exempted from transplantation — the College
estates had always favoured them, and favoured them still. As
was said in a former chapter, the Church and the College were
not bound by the conditions of the original plantation to

3o8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

exclude Irishmen from their farms, and the names of these
tenants, in Limerick and Kerry, in Fermanagh and Donegal,
show that either directly, or through middlemen, the original
inhabitants still held their lands from the College.

We are told on the one hand, by Prendergast, that nothing
could exceed the horror and desolation produced by the Crom-
wellian Settlement, which cleared the country of its inhabi-
tants, the seaports of their merchandise, the country houses of
their traditions.^ On the other hand, we are assured that a
great material prosperity arose in the land, as soon as peace
prevailed, in spite of the large confiscations and outlawries,
and the replacement of the old by new proprietors. From a
Roman Catholic point of view, the former statement must
appear the more probable. For that Church was persecuted
and swept out with a consistent rigour very different from the
vacillating and intermittent repression of the Stuarts. But
to tell us that the enterprising English and Dutch settlers in
the ports did nothing to revive trade, and that ships no longer
visited Galway or Waterford, because the Recusant merchants
had left, is to maintain what is in itself incredible, though for
some years there was really a deficiency of population in these
cities. The Thurloe Papers contain a good many letters on
this point, {e.g.^ v. 508) which show that here the recovery
was slow.

But on the other hand the peaceably inclined rural popula-
tion, which is always the majority, had been suffering from the
swordsmen employed in the various armies or raiding for them-
selves, much in the same way that Germany had been suffering
from the Croats and Pandours under Tilly or Wallenstein.
These self-styled gentlemen (like the cadets Gascons)^ the ances-
tors of the squireens and buckeens that infested Ireland till
the present generation, were above any industry or labour, and

^ Prendergast was a native of Tipperary and knew little of the North.
He went by the letter much more than by the fact. For him an order
given or* even contemplated was an order carried out.— R. B.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 309

regarded loafing and license as the summum bonum^ to be obtained
only during the cessation of law and order. We are told that
40,000 of these were exiled, or exiled themselves, to seek their
fortunes in wars abroad. The relief caused by their disappear-
ance more than compensated for all the harshnesses of the
Cromwellian Settlement. ^ The General who paid for all that
his army required, and hanged one of his soldiers for stealing a
fowl, was a new and strange phenomenon in Ireland. People
might now till their ground, and graze their cattle in safety,
and accordingly many of the Anglo-Irish Protestants returned
and bought farms from the Adventurers.^

These considerations seem to me to explain the peaceable
journeys of Winter, and the rapid rise of the College rents
largely paid by native tenants.

But quite apart from this financial support of the College
the efforts of Cromwell and his advisers to promote higher
education in the Irish capital are shown by two proposals, of
which the shortness of his rule marred the fulfilment. These
were (i) the founding of a New College of equal size and
endowment with Trinity, and in its immediate vicinity ; (2)
the endowing of Dublin with a great public Library. The
documents have been gathered with commendable care by
Mr. Urwick, whom I gladly quote : —

Running through the records of the Commonwealth period, we
find a deliberate and growing design to establish a second College
in connection with the University, to be called New College, with
its Master or Provost, its fellows and its scholars.

This design is mentioned in the Act of March 8, 1649-50. Doctor
John Owen, when consulted by Henry Cromwell (who asked him
for the Oxford Statutes), advised the establishment of this New
College on the broadest basis, restoring the University to its
primary standing as a clearly national institution. The site selected
for the New College lay between the College Park and S. Stephen's

* Of. Fleetwood to Thurloe, iii, 559 and Gookin to Cromwell, ibid., v.
646, writing in 1655 and 6.
= Gookin, loc. cit.

310 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Green and Baggot Street ; and " the Houses commonly called
Cork House with its gallery leading towards the Castle Bridge
and some ground contiguous thereto" were transferred for the
purposes of a Library from Dr. Robert Gorge to the Lord Deputy*
Henry Cromwell, on March 20, 1657.

"Ordered that the Trustees of ye Colledge at Dublin meet the
Com*^^ of Stores in Cork House to consult concerning the ruinous
condition of the said House, and how the same may with most speed
be repaired. Also to consider of a lease of the said House, November
16, 1654." ^

Among the letters and papers relating to Henry Cromwell during
his residence in Ireland, inherited as heirlooms by Mrs. Prescott, is
the following interesting account of this scheme as planned and
carried out in 1658. It is a letter on a single sheet of parchment,
and from the Commissioners to the Lord Deputy, Henry Cromwell.

" May it please your Excellency, In pursuance of your Excel-
lencies order of Dec. ist, 1658, we have considered of the Act of
Parliament and the several particulars mentioned in the said order,
and finding that your statutable allowances for Trinity Colledge,
Dublin, were in some particulars very slender and meane, we have
sett down some small additional allowances thereunto, as by account
of the particulars thereof hereunder mentioned may appear, for the
payment whereof some of the lands and tithes now vested in the
Trustees may be settled on Trinity Colledge. And we humbly
propose to your Excellency that the like allowances of sallaries and
commons as they now stand with the additions, may be settled and
made for the New Colledge as soon as it is erected. We have also
in the said accompt set down several allowances for publique
Professors, and for the publique Library and Free Schools. And
finding that the said allowances soe set down by us (although
they be very moderate), doe by near two hundred pounds exceed
the several yearly revenues of Trinity Colledge and of the Trustees
named in the said Act, besides such part of the Trustees' revenue
as may prove non- solvent ; And what must be allowed out of
the tithes for serving the cures of several parishes which cannot
amount to less than ;^400 in the whole, unless upon application
to the Parliament, which is desired, some lands equal in value may
be granted in lieu of the said tithes, and the tithes restored to the
several parishes ; — We humblie propose and desire that the lands
and possessions of the late Viccars-chorall and Petti-canons of St.
Patrick's, Dublin, be granted and confirmed by the State for com-
pleating of a competent revenue for the ends in the said Act
mentioned — in regard it is conceived the said lands and possessions
were intended to be granted by the said Act. And in the mean

* Public Record Office, Dublin, Cromwell Records, A-5, fol. 34.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 3*^

while that the Trustees be suffered to receive the rents thereof for
the ends aforesaid. We further humbly propose that the several
allowances soe set down for Trinity CoUedge and for the publique
Professors and others mentioned in the said account, be respectively
paid out of the said Trustees' revenue to Trinity Colledge and to
such of the said publique Professors during life as are already
appointed ; and the allowances for the other persons to commence
as they are or shall from time to time be appointed and settled.
And that the overplus of the said Trustees' revenue be layd aside
for the building of a new Colledge. And if after the erecting of
the said new Colledge, it shall appear that the several revenues of
Trinity Colledge and of the said Trustees shall fall short to answer
the several allowances set down in the account as aforesaid, and then
such proportionable deductions to be made from the respective
sallaries in the said accompt mentioned, as shall be thought fitt.

" Wee also humblie offer to your Excellency that the ground near
Trinity Colledge bordering on Baggottrath Land, Stephen's Green,
and the highway, are a convenient place for building of the aforesaid
New Colledge, and that St. Sepulchre's, by St. Patrick's church, is
a convenient place for settling the Free School therein, and for
affording house-room for the Schoolmaster and Usher.

"And seeing your Excellency hath been nobly pleased of your free
bounty to become the first benefactor by consenting to bestow your
interest in Corke House and Gallery adjoining for a public Library
and Schoole, we are humbly of opinion that the said House and
Gallery is the most convenient place for those uses; and we doe
humbly propose that the Books and Manuscripts formerly belonging
to the late Lord Primate of Ireland and purchased by the State and
Army to their greate and lasting honor for a public good, be placed
in the said publique Library.

"And not doubting but your Excellency's noble and pious
example will be attractive to many others to become benefactors
to soe great and good a worke, we doe with all thankfulnesse
acknowledge your Excellency's expressed zeale for the publique
good and advancement of the Gospel and Learning, the ends of the
said Act. And doe humbly propose that by publique authority a
Booke or Books may be provided and by certaine hands thereunto to
be appointed by your Excellency, be tendered for the subscriptions
of such whose harte God shall move to follow your Excellencie
herein, and that by such ways and meanes of recommendation to the
Judges of the Four Courts and in the Circuite to the Nobility,
Justices of the Peace, and the chief men and others of the several
Provinces and Countys, and to the inhabitants of the City of Dublin
and other Citys and Townes in Ireland ; and to ye Army, as may be
further agreed upon and best advance the same. All which we
humbly submit to your Excellency's further consideration togeather
with the ways and meanes how the said lands proposed for the
erecting of a new Colledge may be contracted for and purchased
from the parties who have interest therein and procured from his
Highness if he have a title thereunto. Dated the i8th day of
January, 1658."

312 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Hereupon follows this table of Charges ' : —

An Accompt of the Yearely Charge of the Colledges, Public
Professors, Library, and Free Schoole above mentioned.

Ye Statutable

Allowances Additional The Yearely
for Trinity Allowances Allowances

CoUedge,
Dublin,
Yearely.

£. s.

, The Provost loo o

/ The Vice- Provost ooo o

' Seaven Senior Fellowes

at 9/. 13s. 4rf. each.. 67 13
Nine Junior Fellowes at

3/. each 27 o

70 Schoilers —

30 N..tives at 3/. each . . go 0

40 SouoUers at los. each 20 o

TRINITY

COLLEDGE

DUBLIN.

by the
Comittee,

Yearely.
£■ s.
. 50 o
. 20 0

including

the
Additions

£. s.

.150 CO

. 20 0 I

72 6 8

Divinity Lecturer

English [Div.] Lecturer

Catechist

Bursar

Senior Deane

Junior Deane

Senior Lecturer

Six Junior Lecturers

at 4/. each

Library Keeper

Auditor

Register

Bible-Clke

0 o

o o

6 8

o o

0 o

o o

o o

^0

80

000

000

000

5
000
000
000

140
108

Butler . . .

Cooke

Manciple . ,
Gardner . . . ,
Laundresse
Porter

Provost Commons . . . .
16 Fellewes Commons

at 13/. 13s. each ....
70 Schoilers Commons

at 61. 14s. 4d. each . .

24 o o
300

6 13 4
300
400

900
900
16 o c

400
660

13 13 o
218 8 o

470 3 4

000 00.. 24 o o

300

000 0 o

000 o o
000 o o

000

000

II

000
000
000

600

6 13 4
300
400

200

900

20 o o

16 o o

o o

6 o

13 13 o .. 27 6 o

000 0 o . . 218 8 o

75 16 8 . . 546 o o

,207 3 8 .. 441 16 4 . . 1,649 o o

NEW \ The like Allowances of Sallaries and Comons for the

COLLEDGE. \ NEW COLLEDGE 1,649 O O

£. s. d.

3,988 Q O

* I will add here that a paper in the M. R. (G 8) gives, after a list of
the College tenants and rents, at this time amounting, with the Government
allowance, to £iA^^ 8s. 4d., the full summary of expenses : —

The full number of fellows and scholars allowed £ s. d.

statutably 698 9 4

Fellows' and officers' sallaries come to about 330 o o

The natives' sallaryes to 90 o o

The scholars' sallaryes to 35 o o

1.153 9 4

Thus showing a good surplus. This paper, to judge from the names
of the tenants, &c,, dates about 1658. — I. P. M.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 313

publique
professors'

Allowances for Publique Professors, &c.

' Divinity Professor loo o o\

Civil Law Professor. ... 60
Pliisick Professor who

is to reade Natural

Philosophy 60 o c /- ^ 334 o 0

Mathematique Professor 50 0 o
Orator and Rhetoric

Professor 60 o o

Bedell for the University 400'

Allowances for the Publique Library and Schooles.
o o'

publique / Library Keeper 20

LIBRARY & \

SCHOOLES \ Keeper of the Schooles. . 600

1 — 1

Allowances for the Free Schools.

FREE

schoole

Thomond,

(Schoole Master 100
Usher 30
40 Schollers at 5^. each
ycarely 200

26

330 o o

Arthur Annesley,
William Basil, Mawrice Eustace,
Ta. Ware, Pavl Dafys,

joh. Harding, Jo. Bridges,

Totall of the yearly Charge.

W. E. Sankey, Dud. Loftus,
Hen. Jones, Edw, Worth,
Fran. Roberts, Edw. Roberts.
Robert Gorges, i

T. Sanjkey,
J. STor^ifORD,

It is interesting to note the items in which the Committee
thought the allowances in Trinity College adequate, and
where they recommended an increase. In no case did they
propose to diminish, still less to abolish, a salary or allowance.

Following up this plan we find the following orders : —

" Whereas an Act of Parliament dated 8th March 1649, intituled
an Act for the better advance of the Gospel in Ireland, Wm. Basill,
John Cook, Esqrs., Dr. Henry Jones, Dr. John Harding, Col. Hierom
Sankey, are appointed Trustees in behalf of Trinity Colledge,
Dublin. Ordered that the said Trustees be desired to attend the
Commissioners of Parliament on Friday at 2 p.m., about the lands
settled for maintenance of the Colledge, and Free Schools, in and
near Dublin, and Mr. Barry, the clerk, is then to be present. And
Dr. Gorges is desired to bring with him the report and proposals
presented to the late Lord-Lieutenant about the said Colledge.

" The said Council taking notice how that it is a duty incumbent
upon them to consider all due ways and means for the advancement
of learning and training of youth up in piety, have thought fitt to
appoint Wednesday next, being the 14th inst., in the afternoon, for

' MSB. belonging to Mrs. Prescott, 13, Oxford Sq., London, W. See Hist.
MSS. Commission., Appendix to 2nd Report, p. 98 : — " 1658, Jan. 18, Return
signed by the Earl of Thomond and others of the Revenues of Public
Institutions in Ireland."

514 AN nPOCH list IRISH HtSTORV

Dr. Winter and five of the Senior Fellows of Trinity Colledge,
Dublin, as are now resident there, to attend at the Council Chamber
to the end they may be informed concerning the government
thereof ; gth Dece., 1659." '

There is novi^here, so far as I knov7, any account of the
special benefits expected from this New College. It was in
no way intended, as certain modern projects might suggest,
for a place of education differing in creed or other educational
principles from Trinity College. We can see no better reason
than the desire to imitate the very exceptional type which
had grown up historically at Oxford and Cambridge, and
which every Englishman from that day to this considers
the normal type of an University to be copied by the
rest of the world. The failure of the earlier Halls mentioned
in this volume does not, however, imply the failure of
this experiment, had it obtained a fair trial, and it is
interesting to speculate how the history of Dublin would
have been changed, had another College filled up the space
proposed, including part of Merrion Square, and bordering on
S. Stephen's Green, and the present College Park.

The other attempt of Cromwell to promote learning in
Dublin was to set up there (not in the College) the famous
library of Primate Ussher, who had received the honour of a
public burial in Westminster Abbey on April 17, 1656, and
whose books were forthwith offered for sale by his impoverished
daughter. Lady Tyrrell, the grand-daughter of Luke Challoner.
The facts have been thus gathered by Mr. Urwick : —

In the Minutes of Council (Oliver Cromwell present), June, 12,
1656, we read :

" That it be referred to Dr. Owen, Mr. Caryll, and Mr. Sterry, or any
two of them, to peruse ihe Catalogue of Bookes in the Library of
Dr. Ussher, deceased, late Archbishop of Armagh, and to certify their
opinion to the Counsell what manuscripts or other books, part of that
Library, are fitt to be bought by the State, and in the meantime the

Public Record Office, Dublin, Cromwell MSB., A-17., fol. 67, 92.

;

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 315

sale of the said Library and of every part thereof is to be forborne ;
whereof all those whom it may concern are to take notice and to
inform themselves accordingly." '

Mr. Urvi^ick proceeds to give eleven extracts from State
documents regarding the sale of Ussher's books. From these
I shall only quote the last three : —

(9) In the Letter of the College Commissioners to Henry Crom-
well, they say :

"Seeing your Excellency hath been nobly pleased of your free
bounty to become the first benefactor by consenting to bestow your
Interest in Corke House and Gallery adjoining for a Publique
Library and Schoole, We are humbly of opinion that the said House
and Gallery is the most convenient place for those uses ; and we doe
humbly propose that the Books and Manuscripts formerly belonging
to the late Lord Primate of Ireland, and purchased by the State and
Army, to their greate and lasting honor for a public good, bee placed
in the said publique Library." ^

(10) " Ordered that it be and is hereby referred to Sir Hardresse
Waller, Major-general of Foot, the Lord Chief Justice Basill,
Baron Sanchey, Dr. Gorges, Capt. Dean, Capt. Hopford, Capt.
Warren, and Capt. Standf ord, or any three of them, who are desired
to take a view of the Gallery at Cork House, and ye Armory Room
neer ye Castle, and having called before them such persons and
workmen as they should hold fitt, they are to consider which place
shall be most convenient for placing ye late Dr. Ussher's Library,
and to present an estimate of the charges for making presses and
chaines for ye Books, in order to use and security. And ye Secretary
attending this Board is to attend ye Major-General that the meeting
may be hastened and report made unto ye Board for further con-
sideration. Dated at ye Counsell Chamber, Dublin, ye 29th of June,
1659. Tho. Herbert, Secretary." 3

(11) "Ordered that such of ye Trustees for Trinity College as are
in or near Dublin, as also Dr. Winter, Dr. Gorge, and Mr. William-
son, be desired to attend ye Board upon Thursday, ye 3rd instant, at
3 in ye Afternoon, and to consider together how ye Library, formerly
belonging to Dr. Usher, purchased by ye State and Army, may be
disposed and fitted for public use. And also to take into considera-
tion a Ire. from Dr. Bernerd, as also a paper delivered by Dr. Jones,
concerning ye pubHshing some part of ye said Library or Manu-
scripts, and of recovering some part of ye said Library, being at

^ R. O. (London), Dom. Interregnum, I. 77, p. 175.
=* Dated January 18, 1658. MSS. of Mrs. Prescott, Historical MSS.
Commission, loc. cit.
3 Cromwell MSS,, as before, A-17, fol. 6.

3i6 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

present abroad in some men's hands, albeit, they ought to have been
returned hither with ye bookcs already received ; and to inquire
whether ye present Catalogue comprehend all ye bookes which
were purchased, or such only as were sent hither and are in custody
of Mr. Williamson or others ; and to informe themselves in what
condition ye said Library at present is ; whether since ye coming of
ye said books hither, any of them have been lent out, or otherwise
disposed of ? To whom ? When ? And by whose order ? With
what else may concerne that business. Dated at Dublin, ye first of
November, 1659.' Tho. Herbert, Seer."

I need but remind the reader that Dr. Bernard, in his funeral
sermon on Ussher at Westminster Abbey, had suggested this
benevolence of Cromwell's soldiers by mis-stating the circum-
stances of the first foundation of the College Library. Still
it remains true that soldiers had joined in the earliest endow-
ment of the College ; he might have added that in recent
years Colonel Michael Jones and his officers had contributed
to its support, when it was starving under the scourge of the
Rebellion. But before the books, which had reached Dublin,
could be deposited in Cork House the Restoration supervened,
and in 1661 they were deposited in the Library of Trinity
College, as " the gift of His Most Serene Majesty Charles IL"

It is therefore in transferring the gift intended for the city
to the College, and in this respect only, that Charles IL
(besides his Act of Settlement) benefited the Society.
Probably the transference was suggested by the Duke ot
Ormond, though he had not yet returned to Ireland.

The Restoration is beyond the limits fixed for this volume.
But the words just cited are a good example of the credit
taken by the returned Royalists for the large ideas and
generous plans of the officers of the Commonwealth. Thus
the Charter and establishment of the School of Physic was
due formally to Charles IL, but the whole basis had been
laid by John Stearne, who as early as 1 654, when the College
was making no proper use of Trinity Hall, and when the
Corporation threatened to resume it, made the beginnings of
» Cromwell MSS., as before, A-17, fol. 83.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 317

a medical college by residing there, probably with some
students, and promoting the foundation of that famous
Corporation, the College of Physicians, which is even now
not wholly divorced from Trinity College. But these
obscure beginnings, and long unrewarded labours, are forgotten.
So also the Free School, which the Cromwellians would
probably have founded beside St. Patrick's, suggested the
foundation of the King's Hospital and Free School, known as
the Blue Coat School in Blackball Place, Dublin. In Ireland
at least the Protectorate was no mere interval of republican
usurpation, when unauthorised and incompetent people
exercised authority and did public mischief to the exclusion of
the legitimate officers of the Crown. It was rather a period
when a group of very able, though narrow, men managed to
restore order and then set themselves to the improvement,
materially and morally, of the country they had conquered. If
they made mistakes, they also had great successes, and above
all, they brought fresh ideas to bear upon the subject of educa-
tion, by which the Restoration largely profited. Thus the
Trinity College which Ormond found again upon his return
as Chancellor was no decayed and impoverished Society, whose
learning and whose prosperity had disappeared during the
political turmoil of the Rebellion and the Usurpation, but a
well-ordered home of learning and piety, with its old estates
secured, its privileges protected, and some of the very
governors he had left in possession when he went into exile
still at the helm, and ready to serve under the restored
royalty.

It is this unbroken continuity through many generations that
constitutes the nobility of a family, a Corporation, a State, and
this quality no art or mystery has ever been able to counter-
feit. It is the apxaioQ irXovrog kol aperr) of Aristotle,
hereditary wealth and ability telling upon many generations,
each one of which keeps drifting from the crudities of youth,
and acquiring that mellowness of age which is indeed the rich

3i8 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

autumn of human civilisation. The men of the Restoration
did their best to obscure this noble continuity.

Bishop Jeremy Taylor, the new V ice-Chancellor, a great
man of letters but a most mischievous politician, gives an
account of the College as he found it to Ormond,i which
seems a direct contemporary contradiction to what I have
been writing. He says he found " all things in perfect disorder,
indeed so great as can be imagined to be consequent on a sad
war, and an evil incompetent Government set over them." He
thought "there were no University Statutes, no established forms
of conferring Degrees, no Regius Professor of Divinity, scarce
any ensigns academical." The good Bishop was talking
Restoration rubbish, and maligning his pious and able pre-
decessors. Had what he said been even approximately true.
Trinity College would not have become in a few years what
he himself calls "the small but excellent University of Dublin."
But as the assailants of Strafford would prove that everything
Chappell had done was a grievance, so the assailants of Crom-
well would prove that anything Winter had done was disorderly.
We can judge these things more calmly now. Bishop Jeremy
Taylor, though he did lasting mischief in the north by perse-
cuting the Presbyterians, did much good for the studies or
Trinity College. But Winter did so also and did not
persecute.

Of the men gathered round him in the College, few have
left us books whereby we may judge them. But there is one
who well deserves to be viewed as an author, inasmuch as his
literary work must have been done during Winter's rule, and
before he devoted himself to the practice of his profession in
Dublin. John Stearne had been exiled when an under-
graduate by the Rebellion, and prosecuted his studies at
Cambridge. But as soon as Winter became Provost and
peace was restored, he returned and was admitted a fellow.
Amid the dearth of details about the social life ot the
» Stubbs, p. 107.

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 319

College, and of the city beside it, under the Common-
wealth, the books remaining to us from John Stearne's pen
are a valuable and little known source of information. He
tells us, in the Preface to his An'imi Medela (Bladen, Dublin,
1658), that his father was an immigrant, married to a niece of
James Ussher, and that after good schooling (which he does
not further specify) he entered Trinity College (1639, aged 15,
according to the Matriculation book). He was evidently
among those who fled in panic to England, at the outbreak of the
Rebellion, without time to pack up his possessions (and indeed,
he says, he had none to pack) and then owing to the influence
of his grand-uncle (then in England) with Samuel Ward, the
Primate's old and learned correspondent, now master ot
Sidney Sussex College, he was there entertained and educated,
till the troubles of the time reaching Cambridge also, he
migrated to Oxford, where he was likewise treated with all
hospitality by Seth Ward, then Savilian Professor of Geometry.
But the distress of the Civil War also invaded Oxford, and
he felt himself a burden to his hospitable entertainers. He
seems to have been brought up with royalist people, and the
king's execution evidently threw him and his friends into the
greatest trouble and perplexity. Then, he says, in his sore
mental distress, he sought and found in the Stoic philosophy
a spiritual haven, which he confesses with shame might have
been found long before in the Christian religion. This auto-
biographical note he puts in his book, as one that has escaped
shipwreck sets up his votive tablet. However, in this philosophy,
he " found peace," and now convinced that wealth and pro-
motion were of no consequence to happiness, he returned to
his own people in Dublin, where an unexpected good fortune
awaited him. Taken up favourably as a Dublin man, and
recommended by his teachers from England, he was presently
made a Fellow, Tutor, Senior Fellow, Registrar in Trinity
College, and successively Professor of Civil Law, of Hebrew,
and of Physic in the University. He was besides a physician

320 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

in large practice in the city. He was after the Restoration
the founder and first President of the College of Physicians.

But all these official duties, ably as he may have performed
them, are but the outside of his life. His inmost soul, his
peculiar and special love, was for theological ethics, for the pro-
blems of the soul and its connection with the body, for the search
after the summum honum here and hereafter. The anxious
speculations of his time of trial at Oxford, where he had been
converted by the school of Chrysippus, were brought into order
by him and produced as The Healing of the Soul^ to which title
is added a list of the grave problems discussed — Free Will, the
efficacy of Prayer, the origin of Evil, the nature of Repentance,
besides the psychical causes for tears and ecstasies — in fact a
whole philosophy of practical life. He followed up this curious
book, which teems with the learning of the ancients, with a
pendant on the Cure of the body, called a Dissertation on
Death, on its nature, and the means of delaying it, and seven
years later with a book of aphorisms for life, chosen from many
great sources.

It is beyond the scope of this work to enter at any length
into the views and theories of Stearne on these vast problems.
His combination of Stoicism and Christianity is ingenious, his
use of corroborative texts from divers sources an evidence of
great and varied learning. But we are much enlightened on the
spirit of the day in educated Dublin by the external aids which
he invokes to obtain a hearing for his theories. And let us
note in passing that he is absolutely silent on the medical side
of his education. It is known from other sources that studies
in anatomy were being carried on at that time in Cambridge,
and from the fact that he himself tells us the religious world
looked on the medicus as atheus, and moreover resented his
incursions into theology, we can see that these studies on the
human frame were best kept secret. The founding of a
separate house for medical studies points to the same conclusion.
Stearne was evidently anxious to secure himself from the perse-

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 321

cution of the Calvinistic bigots. His first book begins with
the Imprimatur of the Government, signed Thomas Herbert
(clerk of Council), April 17, 1657, a year before the work was
published. Then follows a somewhat fulsome Dedication to
Henry Cromwell, now Lord Deputy and Chancellor of the
University, whose benefits are tot et tanta^ tanta et tarn divina^
that without him as Chancellor the atrophied Society would
hardly have retained the privileges, certainly not the appearance,
of a College. Then comes the autobiographical open letter
already noticed, and then complimentary letters and verses from
three bishops — Raphoe, Ossory, and Kilmore. Was there ever
greater care taken to establish the orthodoxy of a book ? But
the notable thing is that now, under H. Cromwell, he appeals
not to preachers, not to his Provost Winter, but to bishops.
Educated public opinion was evidently turning in their favour ;
prelacy was no longer a bugbear, and even stately Church
services were again tolerated. Thus Langley, writing to
Thurloe ^ under the date August 14, 1658, speaks with some
contempt of " great stories told here of the retinue and great
state the Lord Deputy of Ireland (H. Cromwell) takes upon
him, they say far beyond what Strafford did — his stately march
to the church, with maces borne on horseback, the mayor of
the cittie and all other persons of state attending him with
great majestic ; his sitting above in the church in a stately
seat, his wife opposite to him in as much ; the sumptuous chairs
belonging to these seats, with cuUor and fringe, is not left out."
When such ceremonies were in fashion, the Puritan spirit
must have been much diluted in Dublin.

Stearne's second book, OavaroXoyta seu de Morte Dissertation
published in Dublin and London, 1659, shows the same features
in its preamble. There is a rhetorical imprimatur signed by
William Petty, clerk of Council on January 31, 1658-9. The

* Thurloe Papers^ vii. p. 335, H. Cromwell was never much of a Puritan.
Mrs. Hutchinson calls him a " debauched, ungodly cavalier." He wanted to
marry the delightful Dorothy Osborne, afterwards Lady Temple. — R. B.

Y

322 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

dedication is no longer to Cromwell, who had departed, but to
the Trustees appointed to look into the finances of the College,
and work out the scheme of founding a New College. Then
comes a letter of commendation to his brother Robert, and then
an open letter to the reader, which is remarkable for an out-
spoken attack upon the ignorance and intolerance of the
preachers who only knew Calvin's system, and had dared to
criticise him. In this spirited passage he ridicules these cobbler-
theologians, who think themselves fit to profess that science, and
he warns the Professors of Logic that they will be the next
attacked. Stearne's attitude is therefore declared, and then
follow not only verses from his old patron Robert Maxwell,
Bishop of Kilmore, but a letter of commendation from Jeremy
Taylor, at the moment living in his delightful retreat at
Portmore, near Lisburn, whither Lord Conway had invited
him to lecture and preach. So we have Stearne in the very
best High Church company. It need not surprise us that his
aphorisms (in 1666) were dedicated to Ormond, the restored
Chancellor, in language similar to the earlier dedication to
Cromwell. He even says that he had chosen a similar patron
for his former book. It is somewhat pathetic that so earnest
and scientific a student of longevity should have had his own
life cut short at the age of forty-five.

This curious piece of forgotten literary history seems to
prove that the Church of Ireland, with its Evangelical temper,
was not at daggers drawn with the Government of the Pro-
tectorate, and that society in Dublin, during these ten years,
must have regained much of its gaiety and its charm. The
country was perfectly safe. Ludlow could have a country
house at Moncktown (as he calls it) several miles from Dublin,
without any danger of a raid from the O'Tooles in the Dublin
mountains. Winter, as we have told, could travel where he
liked without risk, and so there was time to study, peace to
meditate, and the conditions of University life were not
unfavourable. We have in Dudley Loftus another man who

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 323

was piling up erudition, and making translations of Logic from
the Armenian, during these very years ; and from Loftus's
editing of the posthumous work of Stearne, we knew that they
were personal friends.

These are the few stray evidences I have been able to
gather of a deeply interesting but almost wholly unrecorded
decennium in the life of Dublin and its College.

The elder John Stearne ^ is remarkable above his fellows in
many ways. He shows us what excellent teachers Winter
gathered into his staff. He shows how superior the Anglo-
Irish intellect, when properly trained, was to the pure English
so largely imported in those early days into Trinity College.
Next to Ussher, he is the most remarkable Fellow produced in
this period by the College, but differs from him widely in being
the first example of that peculiar type which distinguishes
Trinity College, Dublin, to the present day. Instead of
devoting all his life to one study, he mastered several branches
and, so far as we know, taught each of them as ably as any of
his colleagues. From that day to the close of the nineteenth
century this manysidedness has been the peculiar fashion of
the College, and has produced men whom specialists have
acknowledged as masters in each of their studies. This quality
was originally stimulated by the circumstance of a small staff
being compelled to teach many subjects ; but its strange success
in avoiding superficiality must be due to some deeper cause
than this, or the many and stringent requirements of the
Fellowship Examination. The real cause seems to be the
versatility of the Anglo-Irish intellect, that type represented all
over the world in so many successful soldiers, traders, lawyers,
statesmen, that it may fairly be regarded as the most valuable
strain in the very composite Anglo-Saxon race. Trinity
College has been from the beginning the College of this Anglo-
Irish breed, and that is the reason why it has flourished and

^ His son, John, became Bishop of Clogher and Vice-Chancellor, and a
great benefactor to the College.

324 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

produced great results in the face of great obstacles, in spite of
many rebellions and revolutions. With this recognition there-
fore of John Stearne, as the first notable example of a permanent
type, we may fitly close the history of the first seventy years of
a famous Society and of its influence upon the history of
Ireland.

APPENDIX. (M. R., F 89.)

To the Right Hon''^'. the Lord Deputy and Council.

May it please your Lordships,

According to your Lordships several references to me directed,
the one dated the of March, 1656, and the other dated the
xii^** of May, following upon the Petition of the Provost, Fellows,
and Scholars of Trinity College, near Dublin, touching their interest
in certain Lands and tithes in the Provinces of Munster and Ulster,
I have examined the business to me referred in the presence of Mr.
John Kerdiff, Agent for the said College. Who produced unto me
Letters Patents under the great seal of Ireland, dated at Dublin the
xxviii**^ of June, in the 39^ year of the reign of the late Queen
Elizabeth, whereby she did give, grant, and confirm to the then
Provost and Fellows of the College aforesaid the towns, villages,
hamlets, lands and hereditaments particularly mentioned in the
said letters Patents, and also in a particular or Schedule thereof
hereunto annexed, To have and to hold the premises to the said
Provost and Fellows and their successors for ever, for and under
the several and respective rents in the said letters Patents expressed
and reserved, which in all amount to the sum of xxiv" x^ ix'^ Irish
yearly at the feast of St. Michael and Ester by even portions, with a
clause of distress therein contained for non-payment of the said rent.

And there is also a proviso in the said letters Patents contained
to this effect, that if the said towns and lands, or any part thereof,
should be wasted, depopulated or destroyed, by reason of any
Rebellion, Insurrection or any other means, so as the said Provost
and Fellows of the said College should not enjoy the same, that then,
during the time of such wasting, depopulation, &c., the said Provost
and Fellows should not be bound to pay any rent for the premises
so wasted, &c., as by the said Letters Patents appeareth.

And the said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me a letter directed
to the Commissioners general of the Revenue in Ireland, and sub-
scribed by Walter Thomas and Whithall Brown (which he affirms
to be the Com''^ of the county of Kerry) and which is dated from

THE PROTECTORATE— WINTER (1652-60) 325

Tralee the 10"' of August, 1655. In which letter is expressed, that
for the years 1654 and 1655 mentioned in your honor's order of the
14*^^ of April, 1656, The College lands in that County were in the
year 1654 set for xxiv'' paid into the public Treasury, and in the
year 1655 were set for about £t}>- As by the said Letters (thereunto
annexed) appeareth.

The said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me another writing,
stil'd a List of such Landes within the County of Limerick as do
belong to the College near Dublin, Endorsed with the name of
John Teige, who is affirmed by the said Mr. Kerdiff to be Clerk to
the Commissioners of the Revenue of the Province of Limerick.
Whereby is expressed, that the College landes lying within the
County of Limerick were for the year 1655 let for the use of the
Common Wealth for the sum of cxxxvi". As by the said writing
hereunto (also annexed) appeareth.

He also produced unto me another writing, dated Sept. 1655,
subscribed by William Purefoy, affirmed to be Governor of the
Province of Limerick, and by Robert Cox affirmed to be one of the
Commissioners of the Revenue there, Requiring that the rents of
the Lands specified in the said list or Schedule should be paid to
the said Mr. Kerdiff for the use of the said College, and desiring the
Receivers, Surveyors, and all others concerned to take notice
thereof. As by the same writing (also annexed) appeareth.

The said Mr. Kerdiff also produced unto me another paper signed
by William Hart well, affirmed to be then Receiver of the precinct
of Limerick, dated at Limerick 14*'^ Sept., 1655. Whereby the said
Hartwell (though acknowledging the rents within his charge to
appear due to the said College) yet certified : That in regard the
same, with others in a rent roll, were returned to the Commissioner
General as a charge upon him the said Hartwell. And for that he
was by his instructions not to issue out any part of the Public
Revenue, but by special warrant, with a Letter of Advice from the
Commissioners General, he therefore refused payment thereof. As
by the same writing (which is also hereunto annexed) appeareth.

But it being demanded of the said Mr. Kerdiff, who were in
possession of the said Lands and premises before and when the
rebellion began, He acknowledged, that after the passing of the
said Letters Patents and long before the beginning of the rebellion
the most part of the said Lands and premises were granted to divers
persons in fee farm, who were since acting in the late Rebellion.
The names of which fee farmers, together with the Lands to them
granted within the several counties of Limerick, Kerry, and other
counties and also the rents reserved to be paid for them, are men-
tioned in a List or Schedule hereunto annexed. But the said Mr.

326 AN EPOCH IN IRISH HISTORY

Kerdiff affirmed unto me that in all and every the conveyances so
made there was reserved to be paid yearly to the said Queen
Elizabeth her heirs and successors all chief yearly rents and annual
profits going out of the premises so granted, which to the said
Queen or her Ancestors were of right due, or to be paid, with a
Covenant also from every such fee farmers to pay the same. And
that there was also by every such conveyance reserved to be paid to
the said Provost and Fellows a certain yearly rent with a Covenant
also from every such fee farmers that the same should be paid
accordingly at the dales limited, and certain sums {nomine poence)
thereby reserved for the non payment thereof. And that there was
also in most of such conveyances a condition contained to this effect,
that if the rents and nomine penes {sic) aforesaid should be unpaid
for one year after the days thereby limited for the payment thereof,
that then upon Notice and certificate thereof to be given by the said
Provost for the time being to the Lord Chancellors of Ireland, the
Lord Chief Justice of the chief place and Master of the Rolls for
the time being, or to such of them as should be in Ireland, and by
the consent of them or any two of them under other hands, It
should be lawful for the said Provost and Fellows and their suc-
cessors at their wills and pleasures into the same lands to re-enter.
And after such re-entry every such conveyance should be void.

And the said Mr. Kerdiff also affirmed unto me, that in most of
the conveyances aforesaid there is a covenant from the said Provost
and Fellows to each fee farmer to this effect : That if by reason of
any rebeUion, invasion, or insurrection the lands so granted or any
part thereof should happen to be waste, so as the Grantee should not
receive the profits thereof, and should continue so waste above one
year. That then for every year after such first year, there should be
allowed and abated to the Grantee the seventh part of the rent of
the premises so wasted. If the said Queen her heirs and successors
should allow the same to the said Provost and Fellows according
to the said Letters Patents.

And the said Mr. Kerdiff produced unto me a deed purporting to
be a counterpart of one of the fee farm deeds, and which was made
between the said Provost and Fellows and one Daniel Ferris . . .
and which I find to be made according to the effect and purport
aforesaid. And affirmed that though he could not, for the present,
produce the rest of the counterparts unto me, yet within a short
time he would produce them. All which I now humbly certify unto
your Lordship (as I would have done far sooner, according to your
Lordship's references), but that the said Mr. Kerdiff (being otherwise
busied abroad about the occasion of the College) did not thoroughly
attend the business before this time.

24^^ Feb., 1657. William Basil.

APPENDIX

[These Statutes were brought into order, amended, altered, and
imposed upon the College by Provost Bedell and his Senior Fellows
in 1629. I have added a few notes on the changes made by Laud,
and on some technical terms.]

STATUTA COLLEGII

SANCT^ ET INDIVIDUM TRINITATIS JUXTA DUBLIN A
SERENISSIMA REGINA ELIZABETH A FUND ATI

Septembris 23, 1628.

Quod quassitum est in Sociorum juramento Cap. 7, quid
Ecclesiastici Beneficii noie intelligatur, post varies tractatus,
reque diligenter considerata, universaliter quodvis Beneficium
Ecclesiasticum cum cur^, sive quod sine cura dicatur, eo
nomine intelligi censemus.

GuiLiEL. Bedell, Praep.

Septembris 24, 1628.

Quod dubitatum est de Clausula Cap. 6ti, Quod si quern

Uxor em duxtsse compertum sit, ei an ad Matrimonium quoque

initum, antequam illud Statutum conditum esset, extendatur :

cum Leges (quod dici solet) non respiciant ; id de Uxore

tantum post earn Legem ducta intelligendum judicamus.

GuiLiEL. Bedell, Prasp.
327

328 APPENDIX

IN NOMINE SANCTISSIMiE ET INDIVIDU^
TRINITATIS

In Statuta Collegii Dubliniensis

PREFATIO,

Permagnam vim in doctrinarum studiis existere, ad ex-
colendos hominum Animos, et a fera agrestique vita ad
humanitatis et Religionis officia traducendos, vel inde facile
constare potest, quod non solum priscis temporibus, apud
Hebreos, iEgyptios, Graecos, et Romanos, Literarum politiorum
disciplinae viguerunt, sed etiam posterioribus hisce seculis,
eaedem (postquam Barbarorum incursionibus profligatae
aliquandiu a communi hominum consuetudine exulassent)
revocatae sint, et apud plerasque nationes in magno honore
constitutae. Ut exteras nationes omittamus, intuemur
ANGLIAM nostram, in qu^ tot passim extructae Scholae et
tam illustres Academiae testantur, omnium Artium quibus
Sapientiae Praecepta continentur rationem et disciplinam
summae curae clarissimis Principibus et Magnatibus fuisse.
Neque vero dignas tantum existimirunt quae ab indigents
Anglis studiose colerentur, sed cum in lis tantum ad Pietatem
et Humanitatem momenti situm esse perspicerent, de literarum
quasi Colonic aliqu^ in HIBERNIAM (inquaolim floruerant)
reducendi cogitarunt. Et factum est singulari praepotentis
Dei Providentia et misericordia erga Gentem Hibernicam
Antichristianae Religionis Tyrannide oppressam, ut Serenissima
Princeps Elisabetha Collegium SANCT^E TRINITATI
juxta Urbem Dubliniensem extruendum curirit : quod et
annuis redditibus dotavit, et ACADEMIC privilegiis ornavit.
Id exemplum ejus ut Solii ita Pietatis successor JACOBUS
(Regum quos unquam viderat BRITANNIA longe doctissi-
mus) secutus, magnis id proventibus et Latifundiis auxit.
CAROLUS vero ejusdem pietatis ex asse haeres^ Diplomate ad

APPENDIX 329

Proregem scripto privilegiorum a Decessoribus suis indultorum
se conservatorem indulgentissimum professus, studium insuper
suum erga id Collegium tanquam verae Religionis Cultusque
civilis et bonarum Artium Seminarium, clementissime testatus
est : Quoniam vero inter privilegia a Serenissima Regina
ELISABETHA CoUegio indulta illud praecipuum est, quo
Praeposito et Sociis ejusdem Collegii Leges, Statuta, et'
Ordinationes, pro eodem pie et feliciter gubernando, condendi
potestas conceditur ; quod etsi tentatum, nondum perfectum
et absolutum est : Nos Praepositus et Socii quorum nomina
subscripta sunt, pro facultate nobis concessa, officio nostro
consentaneum duximus, quae a decessoribus nostris recte et
utiliter sancita sunt, quasque ad Collegii regimen accommoda-
tissima videntur, in unum corpus conferre, et separatis quibusdam
Capitibus comprehendere.

De Cultu Divino.

Caput Primum.

NEMINI obscurum esse potest, quam infeliciter succedant
omnia cum praepotenti Deo debita verae Pietatis officia minime
deferantur. Primum^ inquit CHRISTUS, qmerite regnum Dei^
et justitiam ejus, et ista omnia vabis adjic'ientur, Hinc igitur
admoniti, primo i de iis prascipiendum putavimus, quae ad
Religionis officia pertinent. Preces Deq publice in Sacello
offerantur mane et vesperi. Qua autum hora preces
inchoandas sint, de eo Praspositus Collegii et major pars
Sociorum Seniorum statuito. Formula sit ea, quae in publica
Ecclesiae Hibernicae Liturgia prasscribitur. Et quoniam
locorum sacrorum respectus ipsi quoque religioni reverentiam
conciliat, Sacellum anterius et interius decore semper habeatur,
non modo in sartis tectis, et fenestris, ac pavimentis, sed
mensa sacra decenter cooperta sedibusque a situ et pulvere

Laud overlooked this word iij adapting his Chapter IX. from this.

330 APPENDIX

detersis. Neque in Sacello quicquam nisi sacrum personare
fas esto.

VOLUMUS autem et statuimus, ut e Collegii studentibus
singuli Artium Magistri, sive Socii fuerint, sive Sociorum
Commensales, sollenne illud publicarum precum munus per se
aut per alium diligenter obeant. Quod si quis vicem suam
neque ipse obeat, neque per alium supplendam curaverit, ita
ut preces ad horam constitutam omissae fuerint, nolumus illi
ullum vel invaletudinis vel negotiorum praetextum sufficere,
quominus quinque solidis Anglicanis continue et absque
ulteriori causas examinatione mulctetur.i Multam impositam
delinquenti Praspositus, vel in ejus absentia Vicepraepositus,
aut Decanus exigito, idque pro ratione praescripta in Statuto
de Multis exigendis.

Si quis Studentium qui non sit in illustriori aliqua facultate
Baccalaureus, a precibus abfuerit, puniatur quemadmodum
aliis deinceps Statutis praescribetur.

Ante cibum quotidie in Aula praelegatur Caput aliquod
veteris aut novi TESTAMENTI. Lectores sunto Scholares,
Baccalaurei et Sophistae qui stipendiis Collegii aluntur, quisque
secundum ordinem senioritatis suae. Initio cujusque lectionis
precationem fundat Lector ad banc formulam. DOMINE,
revela oculos nostroSy ut intuemur mirabilia de Lege tua. Finita
Lectione, subjungatalta voce ; Da nobis Intellectuniy DOMINE,
et observabimus Legem tuam ; toto Corde observabbnus ea?n. Inde
benedicat mensae hac formula :

Oculi omnium ad te respiciunt Domine^ tu das its escam eorum in
tempore opportuno : Aperis tu manum tuam^ et imples omne animal
benedictione tua. Miserere nostri te quasumus Domine^ tuisque
donis^ quee de Tua benignitate sumus percepturiy benedicitOy per
Christum Dominum nostrum.

Finito prandio et caena, Gratias agat hac formula :

Tibi lausy tibi honor^ tibi Gloriay 0 beata et gloriosa Trinitas.
Sit nomen Domini benedictum^ et nunc et in perpetuum. Laudamus
^ This absolute fine if the reader disappoints is still inflicted.

APPENDIX 331

te^ benignissime Pater^ pro serenissimis^ Regina Elisabetha hujus
Collegii conditrice^ yacobo ejusdem munificentissimo auctore^ Carolo
conservatore^ ceeterisque benefactoribus nostris : rogantes te ut his tuis
don'is recte et ad Tuam Gloriam utentes in hoc Seculo., te una cum
Hdelibus in futuro fa licit er perfruamur^ per Christum Dominum
nostrum.^

Porro Lector post medium prandii aut Casnae sistat se coram
Praeposito aut ejus locum tenente, et Sententiam aliquam e
Lectione memoriter recitet clara voce, unde occasio nascatur
Sermonis religiosi. Atque ut Sacrae Scripturae contextus
omnibus fiat familiaris, volumus ut quisque si non BIBLIAM
saltem NOVUM TESTAMENTUM habeat de proprio.

Sacrosanctum Eucharistae Sacramentum secunda ad minimum
Dominica cujusque Termini celebretur ; praeter diem Natalis
Domini, Paschae, Pentecostes, et Dominicae quae dicitur
Trinitatis. Assistat celebranti quispiam e sociis, in ordine
saltem Diaconatus, quem Praepositus ad id munus advocaverit.

De sanctificandis per quosvis studentes diebus Dominicis,
qui Collegio praesunt, ii solicite et diligenter providento.
Locum igitur et tempus sacris concionibus habendis constitutum
singuli in Collegio studentes seposito omni praetextu semper
obeunto, et in eisdem audiendis, se quanta cum Reverentia et
Attentione fieri potest gerunto. Si qui abesse deprehendantur,
ii pro qualitate delicti et personarum puniantur, Quin etiam si
qui diebus Dominicis otiose in plateis substiterint, aut ingre-
diantur Tabernas, aut ludicris cujuscunque generis exercita-
tionibus intersint, in eos severe animadvertatur.

Volumus insuper, ut Prsepositus vel quispiam e senioribus
Sociis ad Catechistae munus quotannis eligatur. Is quolibet
die Sabbathi hora secunda pomeridiana, per singulas Anni
Septimanas, in aliquo Catechismi Capite adhibitis interroga-

^ These graces are still in daily use with Laud's variants that sperant is
substituted for rcspicimif, and rectc ad Tiiam, &c., is said omitting cf. Laud
adds an English Collect to come after the 3rd Collect at Morning Prayer,
pro Benedictione Studiorum^ and also directs a shortened Form of Morning
Prayer.

332 APPENDIX

tionibus et respensionibus Scholares erudito. Ouinetiam per
singulas cujusque termini septimanas, die et hora a Prasposito
et majori parte Sociorum Seniorum praescriptis, Catechismi
Caput aliquod oratione continua accuratius tractet et per-
sequatur. Quo in munere sic Catechistam versari placet, ut
intra spatium unius Anni singula Catechisticae institutionis
Capita percurrat, et interpretetur. Hujus Auditores sunto tarn
Baccalaurei quam studentes juniores.

Porro Praepositi et Sociorum Seniorum erit, videre, ne quae
Pontificiae, aut alterius haereticae Religionis Opinio intra
Collegii fines alatur, aut propugnetur, sive publice sive privatim.
Quod si acciderit, volumus ut quam primum impiae Opinionis
progressus intercipiatur. Prasterea nemo in Sociorum numerum
eligatur, qui Pontificiae Religioni quatenus a Catholica et
Orthodoxa dissentit, et Romani Pontificis jurisdictioni per
solenne et publicum juramentum non renunciaverit.i

De Qualitate et Officio Praepositi.

Caf. 2".

Exigit Politici Corporis ratio, ut ante omnia Caput
constituatur a quo cetera membra dirigantur. Statuimus
igitur ut Praepositus a Senioribus sociis eligatur, moribus
probus, vita integra, et fama inviolata, annos natus ad
minimum triginta. Et qui deinceps eligetur non solum
Magister in Artibus esto, et ad binas Praelectiones Theo-
logicas quovis termino publice in Sacello praestandas alligatus,
sed etiam Baccalaureus in Theologia, vel Professor in eadem
facultate et in sacris ordinibus constitutus. In ejus Electione
volumus et Statuimus ut, caeteris paribus, extraneo educatus in

"^ Though retaining some details, this Chapter is largely modified in
Laud's Chapter IX. He specially directs that no other than the Anglican
Catechism shall be taught. The Holy Communion is to be celebrated by
the Provost, or senior Doctor of Divinity in the College, though he may
be assisted (even in Laud's statute) by a deacon.

APPENDIX 333

Collegio praeferatur. Nee habeat quicunque electus fuerit,
quamdiu Locum et munus Praspositi supplet, Ecclesiastica, ut
vocant, Beiieficia uno plura, idque non alibi quam intra tria
milliaria a Collegio ad Ecclesiam parochialem Ecclesiastici
beneficii. Sit porro in re familiari providus, res Collegii et
negotia ita administret, ut non suum, sed Collegii commodum
quaerere videatur. Et neque gratiae in causis cognoscendis
decernendisve, neque odio, neque ulli animi perturbationi pareat,
sed asquitatem ducem semper sequatur. Huic volumus singulos
Socios, Scholares, et Collegii Ministros suo Ordini subesse ;
eique in licitis et honestis, exercitium Scholasticum, aut dicti
Collegii Regimen, aut commodum, aut honorem tangentibus,
sine murmure obedire et parere. Officiariorum et Lectorum
imprimis curam habeat, ac illos si muneri suo desint (uno
ex Sociis Senioribus consentiente) pro arbitrio suo puniat : nisi
poenae aliqua expressa mentio pro ea culpa in Statutis
fiat. Quo in Officio eum manere volumus, quoad bene se
honesteque gesserit, et secundum Statutorum praescripta vixerit.

Note. — Laud, adopting this Chapter generally, makes the following
modifications : — (i) The Provost is allowed to accept any Ecclesias-
tical dignity short of a Bishoprick, provided it does not interfere with
his residence land duties ; (2) iHis power of punishment is made
more explicit and absolute in that (a) the Provost need not have the
consent of any Senior Fellow, (6) in all cases not specified by the
Statutes he has power to inflict what he deems a suitable punish-
ment ; (3) he is required to be cehbate, and to resign the Provostship
if he marries.

De Juramento Praepositi.

Cap. 3.

Statuimus, ut qui ad Praeposituram Collegii eligatur, hoc
juramentum sequens publice in Sacello praestet :

EGO, G.C. huic Collegio SANCT^ TRINITATIS hoc
Sacramento meipsum adstringo, ac DEO teste promitto ; primo
me veram Christi religionem ex animo complexurum ; Scrip-
turae Authoritatem hominum judiciis praepositurum, Regulam

334 APPENDIX

Vitae, et summam fidei ex verbo DEI petiturum ; caetera quse
ex verbo DEI non probantur pro humanis et non necessariis
habiturus ; ^ Auctoritatem Regiam in omnibus summam, et
externorum Episcoporum jurisdictioni minime subjectam
aestimaturum, et contrarias verbo Dei opiniones omni volun-
tate et mente refutaturum. Deinde me omnia dicti Collegii
beneficia, fundos, prasdia, possessiones, dominia, proventus, jura,
Libertates, privilegia, omnia denique bona sine imminutione et
vastatione quantum in me situm erit, conservaturum, et
administraturum. Statuta hujus Collegii pro virili mea in
omnibus servaturum, iisque omnibus quae ex eorum prae-
scripto gerentur meum assesum accommodaturum. Omnes-
que et singulos Socios, et Discipulos, Pensionarios, Sizatores et
subsizatores,2 et caetera Collegii membra, ex iisdem Legibus et
Statutis, sine uUius generis, aut conditionis, aut personarum
respectu, gratia aut odio recturum et defensurum : atque
ut praedicta omnia legitime et salutariter ab a;liis administrentur
ac defendantur curaturum. Tum, me neque in meis, neque in
alienis negotiis (quia praesentia Praepositi necessaria judicatur)
amplius sex in Anno septimanisS a CoUegio abfuturum, nisi vel
Collegii, vel Regni negotia, vel Regia Auctoritas me alio
avocaverit, aut vis, morbus, contagium, aut alia quaepiam causa
necessaria, a Sociis senioribus aut majore eorum parte,4 intra
sedecim dies ante vel post dictas sex septimanas expletas
approbanda, impediverit. Denique si loco motus fuero, aut si
sponte cessero, me omnia Collegii bona quae in mea potestate
sunt, aut esse debent, Praesidi et Quaestoribus sive Thesaurariis
Collegii vel statim si id fieri potest, vel intra quindecim dies
sine controversia et imminutione redditurum. Postremo juro,
si munere Praepositi jure et legitime abdicatus fuero, me nuUam
Litem Actionemve Collegio, aut his qui me legitime abdicarunt

' This clause was omitted by Laud as smacking of Puritanism.
"^ There were no subsizars in Laud's time.
3 Laud allows two months.

* In Laud's book this power is reserved for the Chancellor or Arch-
bishop of Dublin, Visitors.

APPENDIX 335

ea de causa unquam in posterum intentaturum. Item quod
non impetrabo dispensationem aliquam contra juramenta mea
praedicta, aut contra Ordinationes et Statuta Collegii, vel
ipsorum aliquod, nee Dispensationem hujusmodi per alium vel
alios publice vel occulte impetrari aut fieri procurabo, directe vel
indirecte, nee impetratam qualitercunque acceptabo.^

Haec omnia et singula observabo, ita me Deus adjuvet,
in CHRISTO JESU.^

De Senatu Collegii, Constante ex Prjeposito et
Sociis Senioribus.

Cap. 4.

Quia in Academica Societate bene constituta ea Ratio
plerumque tenetur Societatis administrandae quae ad Aristo-
cratiae formam proxime accedit, existimavimus non potuisse
nos huic Collegio melius consulere, quam si in eo gubernando
ad modum Aristocratic um procederemus. Ac proinde cum
potestas nobis concessa sit, sanciendi eas Leges quae ad hujus
Collegii gubernationem aptissimae judicabuntur, et cum nihil
de numero Sociorum ad Collegii regimen Praeposito adjunc-
torum definitum adhuc habeamus, Volumus et statuimus ut
quos Praeposito vel charta fundationis, vel Collegii particularia
Statuta, ad meliorem rerum singularum procurationem adjunx-
erint, ii Sociorum septenario tantum numero constent, sintque
ex iis qui suo gradu et ordine senioritatem inter alios Socios
obtinent, et idcirco Socii Seniores appellentur ; reliqui vero
Juniores. Senorium Sociorum authoritas qualis esse debeat,
partim Chartae praedictae legibus, partim variis Collegii Statutis
expositum est. Volumus igitur ut Praepositus et horum
Seniorum pars major, nempe quatuor, rem quamvis in delibera-
tione positam definiant et concludant. In Seniorum numerum

^ This clause is omitted by Laud.

' Tadis sacrosancUs Christi Evangeliis, Laud. This taking of oaths was
against Bedell's Puritan principles.

336 APPENDIX

si quando locus aliquis prorsus vacaverit, e Sociis Junioribus
proximus suo ordine et vice succedat, et deinceps honestiora
stipendia accipiat : ita tamen ut judicio Praspositi et majoris
partis Seniorum probatus, intra duos menses secundum Chartam
fundationis nova Electione, sive admissione inter hos septem
(quos solos proprio nomine Sociorum in Charta rundationis
accipiendos decernimus) cooptetur.

Note. — This Chapter was wholly rewritten by Laud, to whom the
idea of an aristocracy ruling the College was abominable. He made
the Provost absolute in his control, but using the seven Senior
Fellows as assessors. If any of these was absent after any summons
from the Provost, the latter was to command their votes in addition to
his own.

The confirming election of a Senior Fellow two months after his
formal selection was also abolished.

Moreover, in all acts of the governing body the Provost (or Vice-
Provost) must be present, and apparently consenting. He was given
an absolute and explicit veto in matters (such as leases) which
required the College seal.

De Scholaribus.

Cap. 5.

Reliquum CoUegii corpus e Scholaribus constat ; quo nomine
turn Discipuli, turn Socii Juniores comprehenduntur. In
Discipulorum electione volumus et statuimus, ut praecipua ratio
habeatur Ingenii, doctrinas, virtutis et inopiae. Et quo magis
quisque ex eligendorum numero his rebus excedit, eo magis, ut
aequum est, praeferatur. Omnes qui Discipulatum in CoUegio
petunt, ab electoribus ab hora octava antemeridiana ad decimam,
et ab hora secunda pomeridiana ad quartam, per duos dies
diligenter quid in Grammatica et literis humanioribus possint,
examinentur. Atque die electionis, omnes qui Discipulatum
petunt nomina sua et comitatum Regni in quibus nati sunt,
Praeposito et Sociis Senioribus tradenda curent, quae coram
omnibus electoribus recitentur. Sumantur autem potissi-
mum et eligantur ex eorum riumero (si modo idonei sint, et

APPENDIX 337

caeteris pares reperiantur) qui in Scholis Dubliniensibus educati
sunt, aut nati in hujus Regni comitatibus ac locis, in quibus
Collegium praedia, fundos, proventus ac reditus habet : ut
quorum labore ac sudoribus Collegii membra omnia et singula
sustentantur, eorum potissimum liberi in eodem educentur, et
virtute ac humanioribusque literis ad reipublicae utilitatem
instituantur. Alioqui ex aliis regni partibus, aut Dominiis
Coronae Magnae Britafiiae subditis indifferenter ad numerum
supplendum qui maxime idonei videbuntur, semper sumantur.
Nullus haeres qui jam sit, aut patre mortuo fiiturus sit
haeres, cujus haereditas summam decem librarum excesserit,
in hunc numerum cooptetur. Nemo eligatur in Discipulum,
qui non sit ad Logicam in aula discendam idoneus. Sociorum
et Scholarium Electores iidem sunto. Post Electionem a
Praeposito quam primum commode fieri potest, omnibus
Electoribus prassentibus, in Discipulos admittantur. Senioritas
Discipulorum tempore admissionis praescribatur a Praeposito et
majore parte Seniorum Sociorum, sed habita ratione aetatis,
doctrinae, et virtutis. Discipuli autem stipendia nemo diutius
accipiat, quam donee Magistri in Artibus gradum adeptus
fuerit, aut per Leges Academiae annuarias adipisci poterit, aut
in Socium eligatur.

Note. — This Chapter was adopted by Laud, adding an annual day
of election (Trinity Monday) and expunging the clause by which
the seniority of the scholars was determined by the Board on the day
of election. Seniority on the College books was the determining
cause till 1851 ; since that time, the list is arranged in order of merit.

In Laud's Statutes the next Chapter (VL) gives the oath of the
scholars, swearing allegiance to the king, and obedience to the laws
and Regulations of the College, but containing no declaration of creed.

De Sociorum Electione,

Cap. 6.

Volumus et statuimus ut in Socios Probationarios sive
juniores ii solum cooptentur quorum de Religione, Doctrina,

338 APPENDIX

et moribus, turn Praepositus, turn Socii Seniores honestam et
bonam spem Animis conceperint, quique septem minimum
terminos, post susceptum Gradum Baccalaureatus in Artibus,
Studiis operam dederint. Discipuli ipsius Collegii semper
prsferantur, atque similiter tenuiores ditioribus, doctiores
indoctioribus, et probiores minus probis ; modo caetera respon-
deant. Eligendi potestas sit penes Praepositum et majorem
partem Sociorum Seniorum. Praepositum semper tum domi
esse volumus, nisi morbo aut aliqua causa gravissima prae-
peditum. Cujus locum post viginti quatuor dies (si Praepositus
interesse non possit) suppleat Vice-Praepositus. Modus autem
erit hujusmodi. Primum omnes Electores memores juramenti
Collegio jam praestiti, provideant et statuant, se neminem in
Socium electuros, qui sit Infamia notatus, de Haeresi proba-
biliter suspectus, aut moribus et vitas consuetudine dissolutus,
sed eos duntaxat, quos teste conscientia idoneos judicaverint.
Et quo magis libere in hoc versentur, volumus ut si ad eos aut
eorum quemlibet literae vel nuncius a quacunque persona in
favorem alicujus candidati mittantur, is pro ea vice omnino
inhabilis ad capessendum locum Socii judicetur. Quod si
quispiam eorum quibus eligendi potestas tributa est, vel munere
donatus, vel spe muneris inductus, cuiquam sufFragatus esse
deprehensus fuerit, et coram Praeposito reliquisque Sociis
Senioribus de eo legitime fuerit convictus, Collegio expellatur.
Quatuor diebus proxime praecedentibus electionis diem, ab
hora octava antemeridiana ad decimam, et ab hora secunda
pomeridiana ad quartam, omnes Electores diligenter exquirant,
quid singuli eligendi, sive sint Baccalaurei, sive sint Magistri,
in bonis Literis efficere possint : Primo die in Dialectica et
Mathematica ; secundo in Philosophia tum naturali tum
morali ; tertio, in linguarum cognitione, in historiis et poetis,
et in toto genere humanioris literaturae ; quarto, in scribendo
de themate aliquo et versibus componendis. Qui autem
nomen suum, et nomen Comitatus in quo natus fuerit, ante
electionis diem Praeposito aut (eo absente) Vice-Praeposito

APPENDIX 339

tradendum non curaverit, aut qui dictis quatuor diebus, horis
praescriptis Electorum questiones examinationesque non sus-
tinuerit, in eligendorum numero pro eo tempore non habeatur,
neque in ea electione in coetum Sociorum cooptetur. Suman-
tur autem potissimum et eligantur ex numero eorum (si modo
idonei habeantur, et caeteris pares) qui nati sunt in Regno
Hiberniae : alioqui ex aliis locis coronae Magnae Britanniae
subjectis, ad numerum supplendum, qui maxime idonei vide-
buntur semper sumantur. Postridie ejus diei, vel intra triduum
quo Electio facta est, omnes electi admittantur in plenum jus
juniorum Sociorum, et percipiant ea commoda et fructus, qui
hujusmodi Sociis ex statutis praescribuntur. Et si quispiam
eorum die admissionis vel aegrotaverit, vel justa de causa
abfiierit, nihilominus tamen senioritatem suam habeat, pro
ratione inferius praescripta. Senioritas Sociorum constituatur,
si teneatur, juxta ordinem et prioritatem admissionis in
Sociorum numerum, nisi disparitas gradus aut anni impediat.
Jus Sociorum retineant Socii, quamdiu per Chartam funda-
tionis, aut aliam a Regia Maj estate impetrandam permissum
erit. Quod si quern Sociorum aut Scholarium uxorem duxisse
compertum sit, eum Societatis omni jure privari volumus.

Note. — This is Cap. VII. in Laud. He, however, aboHshes the
condition of seven terms standing, which Bedell had taken from
Christ's College, Cambridge. He fixes Trinity Monday as the only
day of election, and it has so remained till to-day. The admission
was made more formal, and in the Chapel. The submission of juniors
to seniors is made more explicit, and the Fellowships made for life
instead of a vague or seven years' tenure, the existing Fellows
being specially excluded from the new privilege of life tenure. It
is clear from the wording that a new Charter was already in
prospect when this chapter was written.

JURAMENTUM ElECTI SoCII, VEL DiSCIPULI.

Caf. 7.

Ego A.B. electus in numerum Sociorum (Discipulorum)
hujus Collegii, sancte coram Deo profiteor, me sacrae Scrip-

340 APPENDIX

turas authoritatem in Religione summam agnoscere, et
quaecunque in sancto Dei verbo continentur vere ex animo
credere, et pro facultate mea omnibus opinionibus quas vel
pontificii vel alii contra sacras Scripturae veritatem tuentur,
constanter repugnaturum. Quod ad Regiam Auctoritatem
attinet, Serenissimi Regis CAROLI earn secundum Deum
summam in regnis Angliae, Scotiae et Hiberniae esse agnosco,
et nullius externi Principis aut Pontificis potestati obnoxiam.
Profiteor insuper me nullum Ecclesiasticum Beneficium jam
possidere, nee quamdiu in hoc CoUegio versabor, ejusdem
sumptibus aliqua ex parte sustentatus, deinceps accepturum ;
nisi in Urbe Dubliniensi, vel in loco ita vicino ut et discipuli
(Socii) et fidelis Ministri officio defungi possim. Distantiam
Loci intelligo, trium milliarium ab urbe Dubliniensi.

Quinetiam Statutis CoUegii, quae legitima authoritate
sancita fuerint, et in quorum approbationem Praepositus et
major pars Sociorum Seniorum consensuri sint, libenter obtem-
peraboj et ea observanda curabo : scholastica exercitia singula,
quae praestari a me oportet, diligenter praestabo ; et si mihi cura
praelegendi aliis, aut officii alicujus ad bonum CoUegii regimen
obeundi commissa fuerit, ea studiose perfungar. CoUegii et
singulorum in eo studentium, praesertim Praepositi et eorum
qui praesunt salutem et dignitatem, pacem, et commodum, pro
virili mea tuebor, et procurabo : consilia, coitiones, conjura-
tiones, et insidias quae contra quemcunque in CoUegio
degentem fiunt, si de iisdem cognovero, omni honesta ratione
quantum potero impediam ; et iis quorum intererit renunciabo.
Praeposito in omnibus licitis et honestis promptissima voluntate
et studio parebo, quamdiu in CoUegio versabor ; ac proinde
factiones contra Praspositum et partium studia nunquam inibo,
nee iniri procurabo, sed quantum in me est vitabo, et ne ab
aliis ineantur impediam. Studiorum finis erit mihi Theologiae
Professio, ut Ecclesiae Dei prodesse possim, obeundo ministerio
Verbi, si aliter Deus mentem meam deinceps non disposuerit.
In negotiis CoUegii administrandis quae curanda suscepero

APPENDIX 341

fidelem operam praestabo. Haec omnia supra memorata in
me recipio, Deoque teste me sedulo facturum promitto, ac
spondeo.

Note. — Laud extends the right of holding a Hving to fifteen miles
distance, and if there be no cure to thirty miles, but in neither case
to exceed £\o sterling in value. Provision is made for a Jurist and
a Medicus among the Fellows, and the oath is made by touching the
Gospels* There are variations also here as elsewhere in the wording,
which do not affect the sense.

De TuTORUM AC PUPILLORUM OFFICIO.

Cap. 8.

Ea fere est Academicarum societatum consuetudo, ut praeter
membra cuj usque propria, quosdam Sociorum Commensales
Pensionaries, et Sizatores, quos appellant, in Collegia admittant.
Quoniam vero juvenilis aetatis imbecillitas provectiorum con-
silio et prudentia sustentanda est ac moderanda, Statuimus et
ordinamus, ut nemo vel ex Discipulis, vel in Sociorum con-
victum admissis, vel Pensionariis, aut omnino studii causa in
CoUegio commorantibus, Tutore careat. Qui autem caruerit,
nisi intra quindecim dies aliquem sibi paraverit, Collegio
ejiciatur. Quod si quis in Collegium admissus vel admittendus,
ad persequenda doctrinae studia, id gratiae per se obtinere
nequeat, ut in alicujus tutelam recipiatur, volumus ut Prasposi-
tus et major pars Seniorum illi de Tutore provideant. Quo
casu si quis designatus ad id munus forte renuerit, volumus ut
pasnam contemptus adversus Collegii regimen incurrat, nisi
justam recusationis causam afFerre possit, eaque a Praeposito et
majore parte Seniorum approbetur. Ac cum Tutoris officium
sit multi laboris et curae, quo alacrius et fidelius munere suo
defungatur, placet ut quivis Pupillus (nisi de ipsius inopia plane
et liquido constiterit) Tutorisuoannuum salarium gestae tutelae
nomine persolvat. Pensionarii nempe et Scholares Collegii
sumptibus sustentati quadraginta solidos : commensales vero

342 APPENDIX

Sociorum quatuor libellas. Placet insuper ut nemo pro pupillo
re et actu admittatur, priusquam Tutori partem dimidiam et
annul salarii pro tutela, et expensarum pro communiis facien
darum in manu tradiderit. Neque admissus retineatur diutius,
nisi Tutori caveat, tum de certa et expedita solutione debi-
torum et Collegio debendorum ; tum si Sociorum Commensalis
fuerit, de calice argenteo ad usum Collegii conferendo.
Pupilli Tutoribus pareant honoremque paternum ac reveren-
tiam deferant, quorum studium, labor, et diligentia in illis ad
Pietatem et Scientias informandis ponuntur. Tutores (quos
non alios quam Praepositum et Socios esse volumus) sedulo
quae discenda sunt pupillos suos per singulos dies doceant,
quaeque etiam agenda sunt moneant. Omnia Pupillorum
cuj usque generis et ordinis expensa Tutores Collegio praestent,
et intra decem dies cuj usque mensis finiti aes debitum pro se et
suis omnibus pupillis officiario solvant : quod ni fecerint,
tantisper commeatu priventur, dum Pecunia ab ipsis et Pupillis
ipsorum debita solvatur. Cautumque esto, ne pupillus quis-
piam stipendium suum ab officiario recipiat, vel rationem per
se cum eo ineat ; sed utrumque per Tutorem proprium, sub
poena commeatus menstrui a dicto Tutore Collegio solvendi,
fieri volumus. Quod si Tutor quispiam aut Pupillis ad
pietatem et bonas artes quotidie erudiendis, aut eorum dissolutis
moribus reformandis non attenderit ; si pupillos vel Urbem
Dubliniensem frequentare, vel in Sodaliciis aut Exercitiis
minime necessariis obeundis tempus Studiis aptum et destina-
tum ponere patiatur ; ordinamus ut si post binas admonitiones
majorem in re pupillari curam non adhibuerit quinque Solidis
multetur. Quod si nihilominus se in pupillis erudiendis et
reformandis negligentius gesserit, ordinario cujusque Septimanae
Commeatu eo usque privetur, dum Tutoris Officio eum dili-
genter perfunctum esse constiterit. Pupilli omnes quocunque
vocentur nomine, volumus et quoad Gradum Bacclaureatus
susceperint, iisdem Legibus ac Statutis teneantur et pareant,
quibus Discipuli et Scholares Collegii expensis sustentati, et

APPENDIX 343

eodem modo si deliquerint puniantur : Exceptis Nobilibus,
et filiis haeredibus alicujus Consiliarii Regii.

Note. — Laud, Cap. X., gives the Provost the right of assigning
pupils to a Fellow ; the alleged misuse of this privilege by Provost
Hely Hutchinson caused a celebrated visitation in 1791. The
Tutor's fees are left to the discretion of the Tutor, the maximum
being still £0^ per annum for Fellow Commoners, 40s. for Pensioners,
20s. for Scholars. The ordinance that Fellow Commoners should
present argent to the College was dropped, though the practice con-
tinued as before.

De Modestia et morum Honestate Colenda ; Itemque
DE tuenda Collegii existimatione Publica.

Cap. 9.

Nihil est quod literatis plus adferat ornamentum, quam
modestia et morum Integritas. Tura ad publicam Collegii
existimationem permagni interest, cam opinionem vulgo
concipi, vigere in eo curam boni regiminis, ac morum discip-
linam, Academicosque dignos esse, qui nomine diligentiae in
Literarum studiis commendentur. Idcirco ut quilibet Acade-
micus ad tuendam banc Collegii existimationem incumbat,
tam vitando ea quae illam quovis modo violare posse videbuntur,
quam iis in communi vita persequendis, quae ipsi conservandae
et augendae inservire queant, vehementer hortamur, et rogamus,
denunciantes interim, pro eo quo Collegium et Collegii bonum
nomen complectimur amore singulari, non impune laturum
esse, qui in hoc genere deliquerit. Statuimus igitur et ordi-
namus, ut inferiores omnes submisse erga seniores et reverenter
se gerant, Discipuli juniores erga Baccalaureos, hi erga Magis-
tros artium, Socii Juniores erga Seniores tanquam Patres,
omnes denique erga Praepositum tanquam summum Modera-
torem. Nemo nondum graduatus in Urbem exeat nisi
Tutoris permissu, significato per Chirographum ipsi us : qui
secus fecerit, primo tempore commeatu unius hebdomadae,
secundo duarum, tertio mensis mulctetur, quarto ex consensu

344 APPENDIX

Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum Sociorum CoUegio amo-
veatur. Seditionis domesticae, detractionis, dissentionis, rixae
authores, itemque aliorum percussores, primo tempore
commeatu menstruo, secundo trimestri multentur, tertio
CoUegio expellantur. Omnes lites domesticae intra Collegium
et cognoscantur, et dijudicentur. Qui foras aliquem in jus
vocaverit, sine Praepositi et Sociorum consensu, CoUegio
amoveatur. Dissentiones inter Socios et Discipulos ortas, si
fieri potest, intra biduum a Praeposito et Sociis sedentur ; sin id
fieri nequit, quatuor Socii Seniores per dissentientes eligendi,
cum Praeposito, aut eo absente Vice-Praeposito, litem disceptent,
eamque cum aequitate dirimant ; et quam illi sententiam
tulerint, in ea quiescant dissentientes : qui secus fecerit,
CoUegio amoveatur. Statuimus quoque, mandamus, et hortamur,
ut Praepositus, Socii, Discipuli, et caeteri in CoUegio vitam
degentes, concordiam, unitatem, pacem, et mutuam inter se
charitatem pro virili alant, foveant, et observent : scurrilitatem
et obscaena verba, scommata, probra et scandala verbo et
facto omnino vitent ; praesertim adversus eos qui in Regimine
CoUegii runguntur officio suo. Quod si quispiam in his
deHquerit,arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum
puniatur. Quod si ter pro illis castigatus non abstinuerit,
CoUegio expeUatur.

Quinetiam statuimus, ne quis CoUegii, vel alterius muros
aut sepimenta transcendat, aut fores fenestrasve difFringat :
qui semel fecerit, si aetate adultus fuerit, commeatu trimestri
privetur ; si aetate puer, virgis castigetur : qui autem bis,
CoUegio amoveatur. Eadem poena multetur, qui furtum
admiserit, aut aliorum pomaria expilaverit. Porro aleas aut
chartarum ludo nemo in CoUegio omnino utatur : qui in hoc
deHquerit, primo a Praeposito admoneatur ; secundo commeatu
menstruo careat ; tertio admonitus CoUegio amoveatur. Nemo
canes venaticos, accipitres, aut aves vocales in CoUegio nutriat
teneatve : neque aucupio, neque venationi sit deditus : qui
contra fecerit, puniatur, ut supra dictum est. NuUi lusus dis-

APPENDIX 345

cipulis in Area vel hortis Collegii permittantur, nee Discipu-
lorum ulla fiant in area conventicula, nee ibi colloquendi causa
moram faciant, neque in aula, nisi tempore merendae dum
simul bibunt. Post prandium vero et coenam ex aula sine
mora discedant. Neque quisquam praedictorum in urbe aut
in alieno cubiculo, nisi petita a Prasposito aut Tutore facultate,
aliquando pernoctet. Qui in his deliquerit, primo^Pcaeposito'
menstruo commeatu privetur, secundo trimestri, tertio per
Praepositum et majorem partem Sociorum seniorum Collegio
privetur. Quod si ejusmodi causa incident, ut nullo modo ad
veniam petendam possit venire, tum si postea ad Praepositum
intra viginti duas horas accesserit, suamque Causam illi pro-
baverit, eum tum neutiquam multari volumus. Statuimus porro,
ut nemo sociorum aut discipulorum extra aulam prandeat
caenetve, nisi petita a Prasposito venia : Qui secus fecerit, pro
toto prandio aut coena solvat. Atque ut nunquam supra
quatuor e Sociis in Cubiculis prandeant aut casnent ; excepto
semper cubiculo Praepositi, nisi forte vel Socius asgrotaverit, vel
peregrinum invitaverit. Quinetiam si cujusvis vel insolentiori
consuetudine vitae, intra domesticos Collegii parietes, aut alibi,
vel frequentiori in urbem Dubliniensem profectione, vel soda-
litiorum aut aedium suspectarum frequentatione evenerit, ut
Collegium publice male audiat, nomine neglecti regiminis, aut
incurias in studiis doctrinarum, volumus et ordinamus, ut is
coram Praeposito et senioribus citatus, a Praeposito pro prima
vice admoneatur tantummodo et increpetur (nisi crimen
ejusmodi fiierit, de quo cautum est Statuto de poena majorum
Criminum) : si admonitus non abstinuerit ab eo, quo aliqua
Collegio Labes aspergitur, per quatuor Septimanas Commeatu
suo privetur. Quod si idem crimen tertio incurrisse constiterit,
pro delicti gravitate graviori censura puniatur, ea scilicet quae
Prasposito et majori parti Seniorum par tanto scandalo vide-
bitur. Statuimus etiam atque ordinamus, ut Socii et Discipuli
singuli habeant Togam, eaque semper utantur in Collegio et si
commode pro temporis ratione fieri possit, euntes in Oppidum :

346 APPENDIX

exceptis Doctoribus et Baccalaureis Theologiae. Permittimus
vero ut singuli studentes cujuscunque gradus et conditionis extra
Academiam et Urbem Dubliniensem pro arbitratu vestiantur ;
dummodo decenter et vestimentis obscuri cujuspiam Coloris
induti incedant. Quod si quis banc legem violet, primo sex
denariis multetur, secundo duodecim, tertio duobus Solidis,
quarto si admonitus a Praeposito non se emendaverit, pro
qualitate Contumacias puniatur. Porro statuimus et ordinamus
ut nullus praedictorum armis aut Telis, veluti Gladiis, Sicis, aut
Pugionibus in Collegio aut in Urbe utatur, nisi gravi de causa
ei a Praepositio permissum sit. Quod si quis hoc Statutum
violaverit, primo Commeatu duarum hebdomadarum, secundo
menstruo, tertio Collegio privetur.

Note. — Laud, Cap. XI., adds a permission to appeal to the
Visitors from the decision of the Provost and Board, also a per-
mission to play at dice and cards at Christmas time, publicly, in the
Hall. Fellows having benefices outside the city are allowed to
keep a horse. There is also less provision for hospitality, and for
Fellows dining in their rooms, in Laud's chapter.

De VicE-PRiEPosiTi Officio.

Cap. lo.

Caeterum ne solis Studentium Conscientiis banc morum
curam relinquamus, necessariumexistimamus,praeterPraepositum
cui maxime incumbit, earn aliis quibusdamCuratoribus deman-
dare. Quoniam igitur Praepositus neque semper adesse, neque
solus tantae Regiminis moli par esse potest, volumus ut e
Senioribus Sociis quotannis eligatur aliquis ad Officium Vice-
praepositi, qui Praeposito in CoUegii regimine Loco et honore
proximus, ei in omnibus suppetias ferat. Quoties vero aut
deest Praepositus, aut abest a Collegio, semper praesideat, et
primas teneat, ej usque in cultus divini, ordinis, modestiaeque
conservatione vicem gerat. Provideat itaque Vice-praepositus
solicite, ne qua vel intermissio fiat frequentandi preces, audiendi

APPENDIX 347

conciones, praestandi in CoUegio cujuscunque generis scholastica
exercitia ; vel obrepat incuria inquirendi de iis, qui Urbem
Dubliniensem frequentant, qui in eadem pernoctant, qui
dissolute Vitae genere scandalum et dedecus regimini et discip-
linae CoUegii creant. Ordinis etiam prandii coenaeque tempore
conservationi sollicite prospiciat, et ne quisquam alio sermone
quam Latino utatur, aut vocem nimis intendat, aut immodeste
omnino se gerat, aut exeat ante gratiarum actionem. Quod
si istiusmodi delicta committi intellexerit, vel alterius generis
alia Statuis vetita, curabit sedulo ut delinquentes puniantur
secundum Statuta. Caetera quae ad officium Vice-praepositi
pertinent, variis supra infraque Statutis exponuntur.

Note. — Laud, Cap. XII., transcribing this chapter, adds that the
Vice-Provost shall be elected at the time of the annual accounts
(November 20), and gives the Provost an absolute veto on the
appointment. He is here assumed to be the senior at Commons.

De Decani Officio.

Cap, II.

Quo melius vero et Pietas erga Deum et morum probitas
honestasque conservetur, statuimus et ordinamus, ut unus e
Sociis Senioribus quotannis Decanus sit, qui Dei inprimis
cultum pie ac religiose et decenter exequendum curet, videat-
que ut omnes socii, Discipuli, Pensionarii, Sizatores (quos
vocant) ac subsizatores diebus Dominicis Precibus, Sacrae
Communioni, et concionibus, diebus autem profestis, precibus
matutinis et vespertinis ad horam constitutam intersint, Socios,
si qui a sacro Dei Cultu abfuerint, observet ; quod si quis
Sociorum qui Doctor aut Baccalaureus Theologiae non est,
saepius quam bis in Septimana abfuerit a publicis precibus,
volumus ut octo denariis multetur ; nisi constiterit eum justa
de causa abfuisse. Omnes autem Discipuli, Pensionarii item,
Sizatores, et Subsizatores, si absint a Precibus, aut ante eas
finitas exierint, si fuerint adulti (hoc est, si decimum octavum
annum compleverint) singuli denario, tarde autem venientes

548 APPENDIX

obolo multentur. Si autem eum aetatis annum quern diximus
non confecerint, in aula die Veneris, pro arbitrio Decani virgis, vel
alio modo corrigantur. Praeterea statuimus et ordinamus, ut
Baccalaurei correctionibus die Veneris numquam interesse
cogantur, sed Decanus eorum nomina scripta in schedula
habeat ut tarn in festis diebus quam in profestis, diligenter per
se et per monitorem animadvertat, quis a re divina absit, quisve
tardus venerit, et absentes denario, tarde autem venientes
multet obolo. Tardos venire eos dicimus, qui aut post primam
nominum recitationem tempore precum vespertinarum sacellum
introeunt^ out qui mane post primum Psalmum finitum
veniunt. Quod si qui in inferiori parte Sacelli maneant, et
chorum non ingrediantur, perinde puniantur ac si absentes
fuissent.2 Si quis dum nomina ullo tempore vel loco recitantur,
pro absente respondeat, aut nomen alicujus in recitando
omiserit, virgis corrigatur, si aetate minore fuerit, si adultus,
pro arbitrio Decani sic puniatur ut omnibus appareat grave ab
eo delictum commissum fuisse. Die autem Veneris statim a
peracta ccena, semper vesperi, correctiones per eundem
Decanum instituantur, quibus omnes discipuli intersint : qui
autem dum easdem peraguntur nomini interrogatus non
respondent, et ad finem non permanserit, si adultus denario
multetur ; si puer fuerit, arbitrio Decani castigetur. Deinde
eodem tempore monitor constituatur, qui discipulorum qui his
rebus peccaverint nomina sedulo notet, et quoties deliquerint.
Aliqui etiam e Scholaribus observatores occulti constituantur,
qui dejerantes, otiosos, emansores in Urbe, rixantes, et in
ganeis perpotantes, aut moribus quovis modo Collegium
dehonestantes ad Decanum deferant. Quod si quispiam
Sociorum aut Discipulorum aegrotaverit, aut gravi Causa per
Decanum approbanda impeditus fuerit, eum neutiquam pro

* From this it appears that night roll and evening Chapel were held
together, and the roll read both before and after prayers.

' The present Chapel has no ante-Chapel, but this clause presupposes
one in the original building.

APPENDIX 349

rebus supradictis multari volumus. Decanus a Collegio ne
absit, nisi gravissima de Causa, eaque a Praeposito, vel eo
absente, Vice-Praeposito cum majori parte Sociorum appro-
banda. Denique a Collegio ne discedat, nisi fido ac diligenti
Vicario, qui Decani munere ipso absente sedulo fungatur, post
se relicto ; ejus nomine in Registro (uti in Statuto " de exitu
e Collegio" praestitutum est) conscripto. Volumus insuper et
ordinamus ut Decanus una cum duobus aut tribus e Sociis,
quos sibi adjungendos putabit, singulis Septimanis ter ad
minimum Discipulorum Cameras vesperi post Caenam ante
Somni capiendi tempus invisat, ut quomodo se gerant discipuli
intelligat. Si quos vel abesse a cameris suis, vel immodestius
et contra bonos mores se in iisdem aut alibi gerere, aut
negligentius in Studiis versari deprehenderit, licebit ei pro
arbitrio delinquentes punire, nisi de pcenae qualitate et genere
aliter in Statutis provisum fuerit.

Note. — The main differences in Laud's Chapter XIII. are that he
has two Deans ; he makes the work of Senior Dean mostly theo-
logical ; he appoints corrections during the hour of supper on
Fridays when the students are to fast ; and he does not follow
Bedell in making some of the scholars spies upon the rest. It is very
curious that the inspection of rooms by the Dean and Fellows is to
be carried on without reference to the Tutors of each student so
visited, but Laud follows this regulation.

De Primario Lectore, et Sublectoribus.

Cap, 12.

Quoniam ad juventutem non modo in pietate et virtute
excolendam, sed etiam in bonis artibus erudiendam hoc Colle-
gium institutum est ; Lectores quosdam in his constituendos,
et pro aetate captuque, et profectu ingeniorum, certas classes
variaque exercitia scholastica duximus ordinanda. Atque
imprimis, Lectorem quendam primarium e senioribus Sociis
quotannis eligi volumus, cujus munus esto, solicite videre, ut

350 APPENDIX

praelectores inferiores singuli locum tempusque praslegendi
quotidie et diligenter obeant, et si quando aliqua praelectio
intermittatur, de intermissionis causa cognoscere, eamque si
minus justam esse comperuerit, ad Praepositum rem deferre, aut
eo absente ad Vice-Praepositum, ut in deliquentem secundum
statuta animadvertatur.

Discipulos cujuscunque generis quos abesse deprehenderit a
praelectionibus, disputationibus, declamationibus, et aliis
scholasticiis exercitiis, quibus interesse tenentur, pro arbitrio
puniat ; nisi de certa paena aliquo Statute cautum fuerit.
Disputationes, et declamationes Scholarium et Baccalaureorum,
curabit suis temporibus et locis praestandas ; et earum ipse
moderator esto. Ac proinde volumus, Theses disputandas et
declamandas praescribi ab eo, et quo quisquam ordine et vice
exercitium praestare debeat. Quod si quis vicem suam in
disputando et declamando omiserit, vel in eo se negligentius
gesserit, curabit ut in hoc genere delinquens paenam sustineat
quam Statuta praescribunt. Praelector cujusvis classis inferior
(quern a Praeposito quotannis eligi volumus) horae ad praelegen-
dam constitutae partem alteram praelectioni, alteram Examina-
tioni discipulorum tribuat. In Examinatione, volumus ut
interrogationibus et responsionibus rem eandem clarius
explicet, repetat, et saspius inculcat, nee sibi ipsi ante satisfaciat,
quam discipulus rem propositam aliquatenus animo et intelligen-
tia comprehenderit. Usum praeceptorum ostendet, et urgebit.
Quod ad humanitatis et vitae communis usum transferri
nequit, id allato argumento refutatum abjucabit, et rejiciet.
Ordinamus insuper et volumus, ut Praslector quivis inferior
solicite observet, et attendat, quemadmodum discipuli suae
Classis se gerant ipsius Lectionis tempore ; et in negligentes
animadvertat. Porro si observet ipse, aut ab aliis audiverit,
discipulum aliquem vel Urbem Dubliniensem frequentare, vel
horas studiis destinatas in otio et lusu in Collegio campisve
consumere, adeo ut officio scholastico non satisfaciat, volumus
ut Praslectori primario delictum deferat, qui delinquentem

APPENDIX 351

puniat, non modo si praelectioni cui interesse oportebat non
interfuerit, aut ad eandem tardius accesserit, sed etiam si
negligentius attenderit; vel multae impositione, vel compo-
sitione exercitii extraordinarii, vel publica agnitione delicti,
vel adhibita virga, si ita ferat necessitas, et aetate puer
fuerit.

Note. — This chapter is wholly adopted by Laud (Cap. XIV).

De Classium Scholasticis Exercitiis.
Cap. 13.

Classes sunto quatuor, in quas ii qui nondum sunt graduati
distribuantur. Communia omnium Classium exercitia sunto
hujusmodi. Commentarius in praecepta disciplinae praelectae
sermone latino per singulas septimanas conficiendus, et prae-
lectori ostendendus. Thema aut versio ex Anglico in
Latinum, per singulas item Septimanas. Thema aut
versionem Pra^lector et quidcm expresse praescribat, et
quovis die Sabbathi exercitium factum repetat a discipulis
suis.

Declamatio. Bini singulis septimanis declament per vices,
idque memoriter, in aula, die Sabbathi aut Veneris, post peractas
preces matutinas. Thesis tractanda esto e communi vita, aut e
morali aut politica disciplina. Omnes Classium discipuli, si
commode fieri potest, in Graecis et Hebraicis erudiantur, a
praelectore ad id munus constituto.

Classis Prima.

In hac Classe Dialectica praelegatur : quam bis ad minimum
quotannis integram praelegi volumus. Discipulus hujus Classis
aliquam quavis hebdomada Analysin Inventionis et Elocutionis
Rhetoricae praistato, eamque Praelectoris Examini et Censurae
subjicito.

352 APPENDIX

Classis Secunda.
Praelector secundae Classis controversa Loglcas disciplinae
capita explicate, et disceptato. Quae veritati consentanea
reperientur, ea Auditoribus suis commendabit : Qux vero
falsa fuerint, ea argumentorum viribus convicta repudiabit.
Hujus Classis Discipuli aliquam Inventionis et Judicii Analysin
per singulas Septimanas instituant.

Classis Tertia.

Praelector tertiae Classis praecepta physiologiae de Elementis,
de Corporibus mixtis sive imperfectis, qualia sunt meteora ;
sive perfectis, qualia sunt metalla, Plantae, Animalia, Auditori-
bus suis interpretetur.

Classis Quarta.

In Classe quarta Psychologiae doctrina diligenter exponatur,
sed interdum per Vices quasdam Ethic^e disciplinae praecepta
doceantur. Discipuli tertiae quartaeque Classis per singulas
termini hebdomadas, prima excepta, disputationes praestent, de
Thesi duplici : Illi de Thesi Logica, hi de binis quaestionibus e
Physiologia. Thesis a respondente tractetur, oratione perpetua,
adhibito vario Argumentorum genere et Elocutionis Rhetoricae
ornamentis. Sed cum ad congressum deventum est, opponentes
quos ad minimum duos esse volumus, quodcunque argumentum
opponunt, id ad Syllogismi Legis breviter conclusum propon-
ant, de eo Respondens et Moderator videto. Disputatio intra
horam et horae quartam concludatur. Dies prsestandis Dispu-
tationibus assignati sunto dies Lunae, Martis, Mercurii, hora
secunda pomeridiana.

Note. — Laud adds details regarding the appointment of a special
Lecturer in Greek and, whenever the post can be endowed, in Hebrew
also.

There are many variations of detail in his description of the work
of each class, especially a long addition concerning the work of the
fourth class. The general scheme has lasted till the present time
with the exception of the excellent practice of pubHc disputation,
which has disappeared from modern education.

APPENDIX 353

Dfi Baccalaureorum et Magistrorum Exercitiis.

Cap. 14.

Baccalaurei in Mathematicis et Politicis a Praelectore insti-
tuantur accuratius. Disputationem quolibet die Veneris hora
secunda pomeridiana quovis Termino praestent e Mathematicis
aut Physicis, et declament mane in Aula quolibet die Sabbathi
durante Termino. Statuimus etiam et ordinamus, ut quilibet
in Artibus Magister, per vices, quolibet die Lunas et Martis
aliquem e Scriptura textum ad morem Theologicae Concionis
tractet, eundem accurate interpretando, et doctrinae capita inde
deducta ad auditorum varios usus pro varia capitum natura
accommodando. In hac tam gravi et utili exercitatione,
omnibus et singulis Artium Magistris praecipimus, eosque
vehementius hortamur et obtestamur, ut in id unum omni
animi contentione incumbant, quo auditores sues in fide et
fidei praxi asdificare possint ; volumus etiam ut quilibet in
artibus Magister, si Theologiae aut Baccalaureus aut Doctor
non sit, statim a finita suscepti textus tractatione, se et
textus suscepti translationem Praepositi et Sociorum seniorum
censuras submittat ; ac si quid ab ipsis improbetur, eo deinceps
abstineat ; sequatur autem in posterum et in praxin deducat
quicquid aedificationi, aut commodo audientium expedire, ab
ipsis judicabitur. Ac proinde volumus, ut Praspositus ac Socii
seniores in Sacello aut alibi congregati, libere inter se exponant
quid de habita concione opinentur, ut si qua in re contra leges
hoc Statuto prasscriptas a concionante peccatum fuerit, de eo
per Praepositum amice et benevole admoneatur. Statuimus
insuper, ut artium Magistri, etiam ii qui in Theologia Doctora-
tum aut Baccalaureatum adepti sunt, per vices praestent dispu-
tationem aliquam, de binis Quaestionibus Theologicis, quovis
die Jovis, hora secunda pomeridiana, nisi dies festus sit. Quod
ad Theologicam disputationem attinet, ordinamus et volumus,
ut quaestio disputanda sit quaestio plerumque inter Protestantes

2A

354 APPENDIX

et Pontificios controversa. Hujus Disputationis Professor
Theologicarum Controversiarum Moderator esto. Volumus
etiam et statuimus, ut singuli in artibus Magistri, tarn Com-
mensales quam Socii (exceptis Jurisprudentiae et Medicinae
Professor! bus) semper ante elapsum a Magisterii gradu
triennum, in Ecclesia aliqua Urbis Dubliniensis Parochiali,
bis concionentur ; ante exactum vero quadriennium unam in
Christi Ecclesia Cathedrali concionem habeant idque per se,
non autem per alium ; et post annos quatuor expletos con-
cionem aliquam in praedicta Cathedrali semel quotannis
praestent, quandiu locum aut Cameram in Collegio obti-
nent : Quod si quis contra banc legem deliquerit, nisi
morbo graviore impeditus, aut ab Archiepiscopo Dubliniensi,
aliisvc quorum interest, prohibitus, aut alia inductus causa
quae Praeposito et Sociis merito possit satisfacere, volumus
et ordinamus, ut pro singularum Concionum ab ipso requi-
sitarum omissione, quadraginta solidis multetur, ac praeterea
ordinario Communarum demenso per tres menses privetur.

Note. — Laud adds some details regarding the conducting of the
controversial disputes between Protestants and Papists. He also
imposes punishments upon any teaching opposed to the Established
Church of England and Ireland, a provision quite foreign to the
semi-Puritan Bedell. It is further to be noticed that Bedell requires
lay masters of art to preach in Dublin, and even at the Cathedral,
and that this was upheld by Laud. Up to 1850 Resident masters,
whether lay or clerical, were required to deliver " Commonplaces "
or read Homilies in the Chapel.

De Vitanda Alieni Exercitii Usurpatione, et Vice

SUA A QUOVIS DiLIGENTER ObEUNDA.

Cap, 15.

Si quis Exercitium ab alio compositum pro suo aut privatim
obtendat, aut in publicum deducat, volumus si de admissa hujus

APPENDIX 355

generis fraude constiterit, ut tarn Author exercitii, quam is qui
alienae industriae fructum pro suo exhibet gravius puniatur.
Uterque ergo istius delicti convictus, tempore prandii in Aulae
medio consistens culpam suam omnibus audientibus confitea-
tur, paenamque deprecetur. Quod si alteruter in hoc -genere
secundo deliquerit, non modo praedictam paenam sustineat, sed
commeatu suo per septimanam privetur, et ad declamandum
in Aula tempore prandii intra octiduum cogatur. Ac quia
fraudem hanc dignam gravi animadversione censemus, statui-
mus insuper et volumus, ut qui illam detulerit, notamque
fecerit, illi loco mercedis ab utriusque delinquentis Tutore
sex denarii tribuantur et persolvantur. Si quis delatorem
isto nomine verbis factisve violaverit, is pro delinquente in
hoc fraudis genere habeatur, et eandem pcenam subito.
Statuimus etiam et volumus, ut Exercitia Scholastica, sive
ea Theologica sint, sive generis alterius, a quolibet in pro-
pria persona praestentur. Quod si quis morbo aliave justa
causa per Praspositum et Decanum approbanda impeditus,
vicem suam praestare nequeat, proximo denunciet, eumque
opportune admoneat de praestando exercitio, et cessante causa
intermissi exercitii, omissum exercitium praestet ipse. At si
contigerit ut exercitium ordinarium cujusque generis omit-
tatur, cum nulla gravis causa afFerri queat, quamobrem omitti
necesse fuerit, omittens a Praeposito et Decano unius septi-
manae commeatu privetur, aut multetur, et tamen ad praesta-
tionem exercitii teneatur. Qua in re si secundo deliquerit,
eum mensis unius commeatu privari, aut multari volumus ;
et in exercitii omissione ulterius persistentem, pro arbitrio
Praepositi et Sociorum Seniorum puniri gravius. Ac si quis
munus disputandi aut declamandi negligenter obierit, denuo
disputare ac declamare cogatur.

Note. — This chapter is wholly omitted by Laud, as being already
covered by other Statutes by a clause introduced into the previous
chapter, or the general control of the Provost.

356 APPENDIX

De Terminis Observandis et de Examinando

SCHOLARIUM IN DiSCIPLINIS PrOGRESSU.

Cap. i6.

Termini in quibus publice a Studentibus Exercitia prasstari
volumus, pro quatuor anni partibus quatuor sunto. Terminus
Nativitatis Christi initium capiat Januarii decimo quinto,
exitum vero Martii decimo. Terminus Paschas inchoetur
Aprilis decimo sexto, desinat Junii octavo. Terminus Johannis
Baptistae esto a nono Julii inclusive, ad octavum Septembris.
Denique Terminus Michaelis incipito Octobris decimo quinto,
et iiniatur Decembris octavo.

Quoniam vero frequenti Examinatione efficitur, ut disccn-
tium Studia et Progressiones in bonarum Artium disciplinis
majorem in modum promoveantur, volumus ut quater quo-
tannis, nempe in cujusvis termini principio singularum
Classium Discipuli publice in Aula congregati examinentur,
quomodo profecerint in earum Artium cognitione, quibus
studuerint, aut studere debuerint. Examinatores sunto sin-
guli Artium Magistri, sive Socii fuerint, sive Pensionarii et
Commensales ; Doctores etiam et Professores cujuscunque
facultatis, si modo ipsis videbitur : sed illi praesertim qui
eligentur per Praepositum et majorem partem Seniorum
Sociorum. Examination! huic Biduum tribuatur ; mane
horae duae, ab octava scilicet ad decimam, et a prandio
item horae duae, a secunda nempe ad quartam. Si facta
Examinatione Discipulus quispiam se in Studiis negligentius
gessisse comperiatur, re cum Praeposito communicata, volumus
ut earn paenam sustineat, quae Praeposito et Examinatoribus
videbitur digna, qua tantae negligentiae crimen notetur, et
corrigatur. Quod si de pasna expulsionis sive amotionis
agatur, volumus rem dijudicari et transigi per Praspositum
et majorem partem Seniorum. Et si non tantum profecisse
videbitur, quantum a mediocri ingenio et industria expectari

APPENDIX 357

poterat, eum principio hac ignominia notari placet, ut Seniori-
tatis suas Gradum amittat, et in Classem inferiorem dejiciatur ;
et deinceps etiam, si graduatus non fuerit, careat adultorum
privilegio. Quod si quis post alterius termini experimentum
prorsus incorrigibilis videatur, eum sine ulteriori monitione e
Collegio amovendum decernimus.

Note. — Instead of this admirable arrangement of the four terms
defined by fixed dates, one of them a short summer term, such as
has recently been reintroduced at Oxford and Cambridge, Laud
marks the terms by Feasts of the Church, in some cases variable,
and establishes a summer vacation, at least for the senior two
classes. In the rest of the chapter regarding the Term Exami-
nations and the degrading of students who failed in them, he
follows Bedell, and this ordinance has prevailed to the present day.

De Admittendis in Collegium Professoribus Jurispru-

DENTIAE ET MfiDICINiE.

Caf. 17.

Quoniam professio Jurisprudentiae et Medicinae et Chartae
fundationis istius CoUegii, et coUegiorum apud Anglos
receptis legibus consentanea est, quippe quae non solum
mirifice ornet Societatem Studentium in quam admittatur, sed
etiam singularem Utilitatem secum afferat Ecclesiae et Reipub-
licae : Hinc est quod licitum esse volumus et statuimus, ut
pro Arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum e
Sociis unus ad Professionem Jurisprudentiae, alter ad studium
Medicinae, idque statim ab Electione, vel intra sex menses a
suscepto gradu Magisterii divertatur. Quod si ante admis-
sionem fieri contigerit, volumus ut Clausula ilia Juramenti
(de fine Studiorum) omittatur ab electo : vel in eam loco
Theologiae, "Jurisprudentiae," vel "Medicinae" respective
interponatur. Quod vero ad Exercitia attinet requisita a
Theologis durante quovis termino, nolumus ea Professori
Jurisprudentiae aut Medicinae remitti, sed ab utroque pr^e-

3S8 APPENDIX

stari, sive communes Loci fuerint, sive Theologiae Disputa-
tiones. Volumus insuper, ut Juris et Medicinas Professores
singuli, post primum initae Professionis semel quovis termino
in sua facultate praelegant.

Note. — Laud adds that he wishes no one to be forced to abandon
Theology for these studies, but that upon a vacancy a man with a
taste for Law or Medicine should be chosen. If such cannot be
found, he adds most inconsistently, that the junior M.A. among the
Fellows must take the post, under pain of dismissal. So popular
was theology then among the learned ! The provision that both
Lawyers and Doctors should make some theological studies is also
very commendable, and tended to produce such broad men as
John Stearne.

De Bursarii Officio.

Cap. 1 8.

De pietate, probitate, et doctrina hactenus statutum est.
Quoniam vero sine rei familiaris provida administratione,
nedum Collegium, sed ne privata quidem domus consistere
potest ; statuimus et ordinamus, ut e Sociis Senioribus quispiam
frugi, integer, nee impar rebus gerendis, a Praeposito et majori
parte Seniorum pro Bursario eligatur. Cujus officium sit
redditus et quaecunque in universum debentur Collegio
recipere, et quae opus erunt in usus Collegii expendere. Is
Officium suum exerceto quotannis statim a festo D. Johannis
Baptistae, neque computum praecedentis anni cum suo permis-
ceri patiatur. Quoties igitur Bursarius a Collegii Tenentibus,
vel ab aliis nummos Collegio debitos receperit, apocham testem
solutae pecuniae conficito ; sed nunquam solus, verum subscri-
bente etiam Praeposito aut ejus vice gerente, vel Decano.
Quicquid vero receperit, eodem die in communi Cista
reponatur. Sitque in eadem cista Codex rationum, in quem
adscript© receptionis die, referatur summa recepta, et a quo
soluta sit, et quo nomine, et utrum sit integer redditus anni,
an pars aliqua, aut si quid forte an tea debebatur. Quum

APPENDIX 359

pecuniae aliqua summa e communi Collegii cista expromitur,
sive ad ordinarias diaetai expensas, sive ad persolvenda salaria,
sive ad reparationes aedificiorum aut utensilium, aut quacunque
demum de causa, volumus ut earn Bursarius in codicem
praedictum referat acceptanni, et id subscripta manu testetur,
nee ea ad alios usus abutatur. Codicem praeterea privatum
expensorum et receptorum penes se habeto, et in eum omnia
a se accepta et expensa fideliter per singulas septimanas referto.
Ad Bursarii curam pertineto, ut sociis, scholaribus, et reliquis
Collegii studentibus, de alimentis ordinariis in aula sumendis
recte provideatur, atque ut ea in aula prandii caenaeque
tempore ordine dispensentur. Ac proinde volumus observari
ab eo inferiorum officiariorum actiones, ut si quando officio
defuerint, eos admoneat, increpetque ; ac nisi gravius delictum
fuerit, possit solus pro suo jure in eos animadvertere. Aliquot
etiam e studentibus pauperioribus (quos Sub-Sizatores appellant)
constituat, qui Scholarium mensis ministrent. At vero qui
Sociorum mensae attendant et inserviant Praepositus et e
quatuor Senioribus Sociis singuli unum aliquem sibi e
Studentium numero eligant et constituant ; ita tamen ut ex
iis neminem removeant, qui ad mensae ministerium designatus
jam est. Si quando aliquis vacaverit, volumus ut praedicti
Socii cum Praeposito pro ea qua sunt senioritate, procedant ad
locum supplendum, suo quisque ordine ac vice. Nemini
extra aulam prandenti caenantive Bursarius Communias
concedito, nisi constiterit ei veniam prandendi aut caenandi
extra Aulam a Praeposito vel ejus locum tenente concessam.
Quod si ratione absentium ex aula communiarum aliqua
fercula supererunt, de iis in usum mensis ministrantium, aut
aliorum pauperum pro arbitratu suo Bursarius disponito.
Praeterea Bursarii esse volumus, prospicere ne quid incommodi
ad Collegium redundet, e neglecta observatione eorum, quibus
abesse a CoUegio ad tempus concessum est, aut quibus ratione
delicti ordinaria diaeta judicialiter ad tempus substracta est.
Ac proinde praecipimus, ut quam primum provideat, ne absenti,

36o APPENDIX

aut hujusmodi censuram sustinenti quicquam ex ordinariis
diaetas expensis allocetur. Ac ne quid Bursarium lateat hac
in re, volumus, ut tarn ii qui impetrata venia peregre proficis-
cuntur, quam qui Communiarum beneficio quenquam privarint,
de eo Bursarium admoneant, sub poena quam Praepositus et
Bursarius in hoc genere delinquenti infligendam esse censebunt.
Quicquid argenteum est, quod prandii caenaeve tempore
quotidianis usibus inservit, ejus custodiam Bursarius suscipito.
Si quae labes in aliqua aediiicii et structurae parte, eam curato.
Si quid Utensilibus sacelli, Bibliothecae, Culinae, et Promp-
tuarii, aut in quacunque Collegii parte reficiendum est, de eo
Bursarius inquirito, et reficiendum provideat. Ligna denique,
lapides, carbones, et caetera usui necessaria tempestive com-
parato. Denique Bursario injunctum esto, ut solicite caveat,
nequid detriment! Collegium capiat, ex dilata solutione
pecuniae, quae vel a Collegio vel a pupillis cujuscunque generis
et ordinis, pro ordinario commeatu debetur, sive pistori, sive
potifici, sive aliis. Volumus ergo, ut et apocham ab iis quibus
soluta pecunia fuerit accipiat, et ad finem cujusque mensis, vel
intra decem dies a finito mense, advocato promo, et aliis quorum
interest, diligenter inquirat de pecuniis commeatus nomine
debitis. Quod si intellexerit aliquem esse qui requisitus non
solverit, Volumus ut adversus delinquentem sic procedat,
quemadmodum in Statuto de Tntoribus praescribitur. Ut vero
opportune constare queat, quam recte et utiliter officio suo
Bursarius satisfaciat, Volumus ut ad cujusque quartae exitum,
aut intra Septimanam, Praeposito, Vice-Praeposito et Decano
(vel absente Praeposito, Vice-Prasposito et Decano) in Aula
congregatis, rationem accurate reddat omnium receptorum et
expensorum. Quod si inutilis et officio ineptus deprehendatur,
amoveatur illico aliusque in ejus locum sufficiatur. Finito
anno Bursarius coram Praeposito et omnibus Senioribus Sociis
computum reddat integrum totius anni praeteriti, quo status
Collegii innotescat : qui et in Codice quem supra memoravimus
clare describatur, una cum renovato nominum nondum

APPENDIX 361

expunctorum breviculo. Id vero quo melius et accuratius
praestetur, Statuimus et ordinamus ut sit Auditor quispiam,
Collegii stipendiis conductus, qui computo faciendo semper die
praescripta intersit, et rationes totius anni acceptorum et
expensorum accurate consideret, et consideratas fideliter subdu-
cendas et examinandas, easdemque intra tres menses in
membranas transcribendas, et ad Collegium deferendas curet,*
De pecunia collegii nemini quidquam unquam commodetur.

Note. — The differences in Laud's version are characteristic. In
the first place, the great independence of action which Bedell grants
the Bursar is shackled by requiring constant sanction from the
Provost. Then the sub-sizars (here appointed by the Bursar) are
ignored, and the appointment of one Sizar granted to each Fellow,
" eight or more " to the Provost, and the whole number limited to
thirty. The Provost's Chambers are to be kept in repair by the
Bursar. The date of election is fixed, as of all the other officers, for
the 20th November.

De Tut a Rerum Custodia, et Bibhothecario.

Caf. 19.

Nihil est quod ad Collegii in re familiari commodum plus
referat, quam evidentiarum et monumentorum diligens
Custodia. Idcirco statuimus et ordinamus, ut Literae Patentes
fundationis, caeteraque omnia monumenta evidentiae, rentalia
et terraria in cistulis et capsulis diligenter reponantur, quarum
claves Praepositus, aut in ejus abentia Vice-praepositus,
Bursarius et Decanus, servent. Nihil horum nisi gravissima
de causa, a Praeposito et majore parte Sociorum Seniorum
approbanda, inde depromatur, aut cuipiam ostendatur. Si quid
forte efFerendum e cistula et alicui necessario committendum
sit, in Registro res extracta, et dies quo extrahitur scribatur,
et nomen etiam illius cui committitur. Bona Collegii
sive ad sacellum, sive ad Bibliothecam, sive ad Culi-
nam spectent, omnia particulatim in tria registra referri

362 APPENDIX

statulmus : Quorum unum apud Vice-praepositum vel Socium
Seniorem, alterum apud Bursarium servetur, tertium apud
Bibliothecae Custodem : et quotannis per eosdem haec registra
renoventur, ut quid superioris anni et quomodo amissum sit
videatur. Si quid tale accidit, in registro notetur, ut is cujus
negligentia amissum sit sine tergiversatione praestet. Sin intra
mensem non fecerit, duplum reddat Collegio, et usque eo
Commeatu careat, quoad id praestiterit. Vasa aurea et argentea,
et quicquid prasterea pretiosum est, quod quotidianis usibus non
subserviat, in communi cista conserventur ; nee unquam ex eo
depromantur, nisi singulis rebus in registro aliquo apud
Praepositum reservato eorum manu qui depromunt descriptis.
Quoniam vero inter CoUegii supellectilem Librorum est vel
pretiosissima, volumus ut quispiam e junioribus Sociis, aut
Discipulis Baccalaureis, vir frugi, quique domi se fere continere
solitus sit, studiis deditus, et librorum studiosus, huic custodiae
praeficiatur : ita tamen ut confecto registro librorum eos
recognoscat, de iis praestandis caveat, juretque se munus suum
fideliter executurum. Bibliothecarius quotidie ab hora nona
ante meridiem ad undecimam, et a tertia rursus pomeridiana ad
quintam, operam suam et Bibliothecae copiam poscentibus
dabit. Volumus insuper ut non aliis quam Praeposito et Sociis,
ac Theologiae saltem Baccalaureis aditus ad Bibliothecam
interiorem ad librorum usum concedatur. Caeteri si qui sunt
qui Bibliothecae opportunitate et commodo uti velint, in
exteriori Bibliotheca consistant, et libros quibus legendis operam
dare cupiunt a Bibliothecae Custode mutuentur, sub conditione
restituendi priusquam discesserint. E Sociis Senioribus cuique
clavem habere fas esto, sed ea lege, ut nemini clavem suam
commodet ; fidemque det post admissionem ad jus Senioris,
coram Deo, Praeposito, et senioribus, se nunquam librum e
Bibliotheca asportaturum, nisi descripto prius in Registro
Bibliothecae et suo ipsius et libri nomine, et die mensis quo
mutuatus sit ; et redditurum, cum eo ad duas hebdomadas usus
fuerit. Quod si quis contra hanc praescriptam statuti normam

APPENDIX 363

librum quemcunque asportaverit, volumus ut Bibliothecas
ingressu et usu in perpetuum privetur, nisi publice agnita culpa
veniam impetraverit. Si quis liber ablatus aut amissus fuerit,
volumus ut e Sociis vel Artium Magistris duo a Prseposito et
majori parte seniorum designati, una cum Custode Bibliothecae,
cameras in CoUegio studentium singulas et privata musaea
adeant, et accuratissime perscrutentur. Si quis e Studentibus
in hoc recuperandi libri negotio obstiterit inquirentibus,
quominus cameram et musaeum ingrediantur eo consilio, is
ablati libri reus judicabitur, pasnamque sustinebit libri
asportatoribus supra constitutam. Denique id Bibliothecarius
provideat, ne aut ipse aut quispiam alius commentarios
cujuscunque generis qui in frequentiori studiosorum usu sunt, e
Bibliotheca ad privatum musaeum auferat, aut libros tribus
plures e Bibliotheca acceptos habeat penes se ; sub poena
delinquenti pro arbitrio Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum
infligenda.

Note. — Laud only allows a second key to the Provost, and
appoints that the Librarian, Hke the Bursar, must deposit caution
money on taking up his duties. Otherwise the chapter follows Bedell
with few variations. Muscea is a term known at Oxford for studies,
which were then the only private rooms of students, who occupied
their camerce or sleeping-rooms in groups of three or four.

De Sociorum et Scholarium Numero, Commeatu,
Salariis, et Cubiculis.

Cap. 20.

Cum ex Serenissimi Regis JACOB I Munificentia erga
Collegium istud singulari, magna non ita pridem accessio facta
sit ad annuos CoUegii redditus, placet proportionaliter tum
numerum Sociorum et Scholarium augere, tum in ordinario
victu et salariis ipsorum conditionem auctiorem melioremque
reddere. Volumus igitur et statuimus, ut Socii sint numero
sedecim, septem nempe proprii nominis, Seniores, et reliqui

3^4

APPENDIX

Juniores. Discipuli Collegii sumptibus sustentandi sint
septuaginta, e quibus triginta Hibernicis pauperibus ad eorum
in studiis invitandam diligentiam liberalior allocatio fieri poterit,
sed ea lege, ut linguam Hibernicam excolant, vel addiscant, et
exercitia quaedam religionis \i\ ea pragstent prout Praeposito et
majori parti Seniorum videbitur expedire. Atque hunc
numerum Socioriim et Discipulorum quotannis expleri volumus,
temporibus Electionibus prasstitutis : nisi Collegii insigne
aliquod detrimentum cogat numerum Scholarium ad tempus
imminuere. Pro Commeatu Praeposito et Sociorum cuivis e
culina allocentur sedecim denarii et obolus hebdomadatim.
E promptuario per singulos dies ad panem et potum duo
denarii, unus ad prandium, alter ad caenam : et extra ordinem
per hebdomadam, octo denarii et obolus. E promptuario cuivis
pro pane prandii tempore obolus, et tantundem ad caenam ; pro
cervisia quotidie obolus, et extra ordinem per hebdomadam
quatuor denarii. Pro salario allocentur per annum :

li. s.

d.

Praeposito

ICO o

0

Sociis septem Senioribus cuilibet

9 13

4

Juniorum cuilibet

3 0

0

Discipulo cuique

0 10

0

Hibernicis pauperibus cuique ...

3 0

0

Catechistas

13 6

8

Decano

4 0

0

Primario Lectori

6 0

0

Sociis [lectoribus] inferioribus, singulis

per annum

,.

4 0

0

Bursario

..

10 0

0

Auditori

6 13

4

Bibliothecario

...

3 0

0

In cubiculis distribuendis, etsi doctrinae, et virtutis ratio
habenda est, tamen ne ex ilia ulla controversia aut invidia
oriatur, secundum suum gradum seniorem juniori tam inter
Socios quam inter discipulos semper praeferendum statuimus.
Distribuendorum cubiculorum potestas sit penes Praepositum,
aut CO absente Vice-Prspositum. Nemo Cubiculum ut pro-

APPENDIX 36s

prium et suum teneat, nisi ante a Praeposito, aut eo absente
Vice-Praeposito ad id admissus fuerit. Quum autem quispiam
cubiculum suum relinquit, Clavem ad Praepositum, aut eo
absente ad Vice-Praepositum deferat. Quodsi quispiam in
cubiculo vel extruat quid, vel reficiat, suo sumptu faciat ; nisi
Praepositum, aut absente Praeposito Vice-Praepositum et Socios
consuluerit. Ac si Collegio discedens compensationem expensi
postulet, tum una tertia facti sumptus deducatur ; aut si res ita
exigat, a Praeposito et majori parte Seniorum quaestio com-
pensationis decidatur.

Note. — In Laud's corresponding chapter (XXI.) the allowance for
Commons is doubled (3s. 4|d. per week) in the case of Fellows,
increased by one-half (is. ^\di. per week) for scholars, the allowance
for bread and beer remaining unaltered. There is special provision
for a feast on Trinity Sunday. The fellows and scholars are to be
elected on Trinity Monday (as they now are). The salaries of all
the offices remain unchanged, but a special clause is added by the
King ordering that in all leases from the Crown in Ireland, a moiety
(medietas) of the rent is reserved for the College, and to be paid by
the tenant to the Bursar for the purpose of increasing the salaries.
The distribution of rooms is reserved to the Provost alone, so that
up to the present day, on the death of the Provost all the chambers
in the College become formally vacant, and the first act of the new
Provost is to regrant them.

De Absentia Sociorum et Scholarium.

Caj), 21.

Quoniam multae hujusmodi causae non raro incidunt, ut
Socii et Discipuli necessario ex Academia egredi cogantur,
idcirco statuimus et ordinamus, ut singuli Sociorum et
Discipulorum cum causam exeundi necessariam habent, a
Praeposito, auteo absente, Vice-Praeposito, facultatem egrediendi
petant, causaque approbata nomen suum et diem quo
egrediuntur in registro ad eam rem comparato scribant ; et
vel ipso die quo ad Collegium redeunt, vel ad summum
postridie ejus diei in registro reditus scribant diem. Quod si

366 APPENDIX

quispiam ex Sociis vel discipulis hoc prae negligentia vel
consulto omiserit, primo Commeatu unius hebdomadae, secundo
duarum, tertio trium, quarto pro arbitrio Praepositi et majoris
partis Seniorum puniatur. Sociorum singulis dies absentia^
sexaginta tres, discipulorum autem singulis quadraginta duos,
vel continues, vel interpolatos in annos singulos, incipiendo a
festo Sancti Archangeli Michaelis concedimus, modo suis
praelectionibus non desint, per se vel per alium Praelectorem.
Quam tamen licentiam ita Praepositum moderari volumus, ut
nunquam supra tertiam partem Sociorum vel Discipulorum
simul a Collegio abesse patiatur. Quod si quis praedictorum
Sociorum vel discipulorum ad Collegium intra praestitutos dies
non redierit, is nisi plures dies a Praeposito aut in ejus absentia
a Vice-Praeposito et majori parte Seniorum propter gravem
aliquam causam ab iisdem approbandam obtinuerit, Collegio
expellatur. Quinetiam si quispiam exeat ex Academia non
petita, ut supra dictum est, venia, et intra quindecim dies per
literas aut per amicum absentiae veniam non petiverit, et nomen
suum et diem ut praescipsimus in registro scribendum non
curaverit, Collegio omnino privetur. Si quis porro intra
integrum triduum redierit, is nomen suum scribere non
teneatur, sed solum exeundi facultatem a Praeposito aut ejus
Vicario postulet. Si quis dum abfuerit in morbum forte
incident, et per literas Praepositum aut Socios certiores fecerit,
idque certis testimoniis postea ita habere compertum fuerit, dies
quibus asgrotaverit inter praescriptos absentiae dies numerari
nolumus. Statuimus item ut nemini Sociorum vel Discipu-
lorum, praeter dies hisce Statutis praescriptos, ultra unam in
singulis annis quartam a Praeposito, vel eo absente Vice-
Praeposito, et majori parte Seniorum, nisi gravissima urgentis-
simaque de causa unquam concedatur. Atque toto illo
tempore quo absunt, volumus ut actus suos scholasticos
observandos curent, et pro commeatu nullam compensationem
habeant, nisi vel asgrotaverint, vel forte in Collegii negotiis
exsequendis occupentur.

APPENDIX 367

-^quum est enim ut qui ad alicujus commodum la-
borem capit, ei sumptus necessarius ab eodem suppeditetur.
Statuimus igitur ut Praepositus aut alius quicunque ad
CoUegii negotia obeunda emissus, de sententia Pra^positi,
aut eo absente Vice-Praepositi et majoris partis seniorum,
qui et negotium ipsum, loci distantiam, dierum numerum et
alias circumstantias diligenter considerent, sumptus allocates
habeat. Ipse intra breve tempus postquam ad Collegium
redierit, expensa in schedula quadam particulatim scripta ad
Praepositum, aut eo absente Vice-Praepositum deferat, sub
poena amissionis eorundem. Quod si quispiam ultra viginti
dies in dictis negotiis abfuerit, commeatum ad vestes reficiendas
pro toto absentiae tempore recipiat. Statuimus etiam et
ordinamus, ut cum pestis aut alterius contagiosi ac lethalis
morbi vis ingruit, Praepositus, aut eo absente Vice-Prae-
positus, convocatis Sociis, de majoris partis eorum sententia,
potestatem Sociis ac Discipulis faciat, se rus ad aliquem
opportunum locum conferendi. Quod si repentinus pestis aut
alicujus lethalis morbi metus acciderit, sic ut in unum coacti de
vita propter morbi contagionem periclitentur, tum permittimus,
ut de praedictorum consensu, Sociorum et Discipulorum ccetus
ad trium vel quatuor hebdomadarum spatium dissolvantur, et
singuli ad diversa loca pro arbitratu suo secedant, proque illis
hebdomadis commeatum sibi debitum habeant. Post quod
quidem spatium in unum denuo congregari (si id commode et
absque periculo fieri poterit) Discipulos universos volumus : ac
illo temporis spatio quo rure manserint simul, omnes actus
scholasticos quos praestare in Collegio tenentur, observare, et
caetera obire volumus, quae Statuta Collegii exigunt. Quibus
toto illo tempore quo simul rusticantur Lectorem primarium et
Decanum praeesse volumus. Lector autem omnium acceptorum
et expensorum rationem accipiat, Decanus vero morum
honestati provideat. NuUi Sociorum aut Discipulorum eo
tempore quo simul rure manent Commeatum concedimus,
nisi vel in Collegio, vel cum Discipulis versetur. Socii autem

m.

368 APPENDIX

si sint simul plures, eo tempore actus scholasticos observent.
Baccalaureos autem declamare et unum problema singulis
hebdomadis (si terminus sit) die Lunae in Philosophia, incipiendo
inter se a senioribus, observare volumus, et nihilominus cum
ad Collegium redierint, singuli in suo manipulo vices suas
ubi desitum est expleant. Statuimus porro et volumus, ut
dum rusticantur discipuli, Praepositus, et eo absente Vice-Prae-
positus in Collegio ad ejus conservationem maneat, aut Socios
idoneos per Praepositum et Vice-Praepositum et majorem par-
tem Sociorum Seniorum approbandos in suo loco substituant.

Note. — Laud made hardly any changes in this chapter, in which
the provisions for carrying on education in a healthy retreat in days
of pestilence remind us of the famous transference of Uppingham
School under Thring to Borthwick, in Wales. On the whole Bedell
seems somewhat stricter regarding absences than his successor.

De Pcenis Majorum Criminum, Mulctisque Aut
ExiGENDis Aut Commutandis.

Cap. 22.

Nihil est quod magis homines ad delinquendum incitet,
quam Impunitas. Propterea statuimus et ordinamus, ut si
quis Sociorum aut Discipulorum, aut aliorum intra Collegium
vita degentium Haereseos, aut Simoniae, aut impiae et per-
versae opinionis aut dogmatis, aut laesae Majestatis, aut
contumaciae et contemptus adversus Statuta Collegii, aut
perjurii, furti notabilis, homicidii voluntarii, stupri, adulterii,
incestus, raptionis injuriosae, aut violentae percussionis Socii
aut Discipuli cujusquam convictus sit, qua vulnus grave
cuiquam ex praedictis inflixerit, aut si Praepositum, Vice-
Praepositum, Decanum, Doctorem aut Baccalaureum Theo-
logiae vel leviter percusserit, vel portarum seras dedita opera
corruperit, lasseritve ; quin etiam si portas Collegii furtim
reseraverit, aut conjurationes aut insidias contra Collegium

APPENDIX 369

comparaverit, vel seditiones in Collegio aliquando excitaverit,
vel damnum grave ei intulerit, aut per alios hoc fieri aliquando
procuraverit, aut dedecus infamiamve praedicto Collegio in-
usserit, et id confessus fuerit, aut idoneis testibus convictus
fuerit, Praepositi et majoris partis Sociorum Seniorum con-
sensu sine ulla monitione Collegio privetur. Aliorum autem
Criminum paena de qua in Statutis nulla est mentio, judicio
Praepositi, aut ejus Vicarii, et majoris partis Sociorum
Seniorum semper relinquatur. Mulctae vero impositor eandem
per se vel adhibito promo exigat a delinquente, aut a Bursario
Collegii subducendam et persolvendam ex annuo delinquentis
stipendio, aut si id nullum fuerit, ex ordinario ipsius com-
meatu, nisi de ea aliter solvenda statim providere possit.
Statuimus igitur et volumus, ut Bursarius multam impositam
quam primum exigitur exigenti persolvat, sub poena con-
tumaciae adversus Statuta Collegii. Idem Tutori delinquentis
Pupilli quod Bursario injungimus, et sub eadem paena, si
mulctam Pupilli impositam persolvere renuerit, cum a mulctcc
impositore exigitur, et a Bursario justa de causa non solvitur.
Multa persoluta a Bursario reservetur, et ex consensu Prae-
positi et majoris partis Seniorum erogetur ad usus necessarios
pauperum Scholarium, et in fine cuj usque quartae disponatur.
Quoniam vero usu deprehensum est, poenam illam qua
studentibus ordinaria diasta ad tempus subtrahitur, ad cor-
rectionem et disciplinam quorundam studentium parum
proficere, placet igitur, ubi de subtractione ordinarii com-
meatus, nomine impositae pcenae, Statuta loquuntur, ut liceat
iis quibus Statuti poenam hujusmodi injungentis executio
committitur, eandem vel imponere delinquenti, vel in aliam
pro arbitrio commutare, quae ipsis ad praeventionem delictorum
et reformationem videbitur esse commodior.

Note. — Laud's great change in this chapter is that he gives the
power of expulsion for grave offences to the Provost, accitis duobus
Decanis, apparently for the sake of greater solemnity, for they are
allowed no independent voice in the matter.

2B

370

APPENDIX

De Inferioribus Collegii Ministris.
Cap. 23.
Adhuc deesse quaedam membra videntur huic corpori,
non ilia quidem venustissima, sed tamen omnino necessaria,
cujusmodi sunt Coquus, Manceps, Cellarius, Janitor. Quorum
officia tametsi usu notissima sunt, tamen ne quid his Statutis
desit, placet et hoc supremum pertexere. Ejusmodi igitur
ministros eligi volumus, deinceps si quidem idonei reperian-
tur caelibes, religiosos certe, probos, sobrios, et honestos, ne aut
malo exemplo corrumpant juventutem, aut infamia sua CoUegio
ipsi sint dedecori. Manceps sive obsonator accepta a Bursario
pecunia ad macellum quotidie cum Coquo proficiscatur ; operam
suam uterque diligenter det, ut edulia salubria et recte emantur,
coquus praeterea, ut recte apparentur, et in Aulam dis-
tribuantur. Idem vasa coquinaria habeat in numerato, ineunte
anno, quae expleto rursus anno novo Bursario representet.
Promus praeter curam panis et cervisiae (quae ut justo pondere,
mensura, et bonitate respondeant, Bursarius potissimum videto)
mappas et linteamina lavanda curabit a lotrice, Collegii sumpti-
bus. Idem quolibet die Sabbathi, prandio finito, coram Prae-
posito, aut Vice-praeposito et Sociis, librum promptuarii ostendat,
et seorsim in libello nomina eorum qui aut per totam aut
dimidiam septimanam abfuerint, eorum insuper, quibus aut
communiae subtractas, aut multa imposita, quantaque et a quo ;
ut et Collegii indemnitati, et pauperum prospiciatur. Janitor
portas Collegii, tum quae Urbem spectant, turn quae campos
orientales, mane aperiet,i paulo ante inceptas preces matutinas,
aut maturius etiam, si Praeposito videbitur. Vesperi easdem
statim a vespertinis precibus inceptis, obserabit, clavesque finitis
precibus ad Praepositum deferet. Eadem tempore prandii et
caenae, et concionum publicarum, semper obseratae sunto. Januae
majores numquam nisi vecturae causa aperiantur, statimque

* Hence there was clearly no west entrance at this time, though there
was a back door for tradesmen, as appears from appendix to Chapter V.
Possibly the Janucc majores refers to this cart-way, but I think not.

APPENDIX 371

claudantur. Idem Janitor sacellum, aulam, vestibulum, aream
utramque, a sordibus expurgabit, et munda custodiet, Quod si
quenquam in vestibulo mingentem, aut Aream projecta urina
sive quisquiliis conspurcantem deprehenderit, licebit ei sex
denarios capiti ejus in promptuario inscriptos multae nomine
deposcere, a Cellario, vel Bursario solvendos sine mora. Idem
canes a Collegio, et praecipue a Sacello tempore precum exigat ;
videatque ne qui calones puerive in Collegio pernoctent, aut
omnino ministeria peragant, nisi quos Praspositus, aut ejus
vicem gerens probaverit. Et ne illius curae tantum rem tanti
momenti relinquamns, Volumus et Statuimus ut praeter Prae-
positum et Vice-Praepositum Decanus videat ne quis Servulum
aut puerum sibi ministrantem habeat, nisi scholarem, aut qui
literis saltem operam det : nee id sine licentia Praepositi fiat ;
quo casu Decanus ejus herique nomen in Libellum peculiarem
conscribat ; et cujusque Seniorum Sociorum fas esto eum
quoties placuerit examinare, quomodo in literis proficiat.
Hoc Statutum qui violarit, tanquam Collegii splendorem
ofFuscans, eam censuram subeat, quam Praepositus et major
pars Seniorum irrogabit.

Note. — Laud fixes the hours of opening and closing the gates
without reference to prayers, but agrees that they shall always be
shut during prayers. Assuming that all within the College attended,
this was a measure of safety.

Otherwise Laud adopts the whole chapter, with slight verbal
alterations.

The clause that even the servants shall pursue their education in
the College is probably due to a clause in the Grant of the site by
the City of Dublin, which Grant is revoked if the Society shall ever
consist of members not devoted to the pursuit of Letters. In Oxford
Colleges, however, the servitors were also generally poor students.

Epilogus.

Cap. 24.

Atque haec fere sunt quae Praedecessores nostri aut ab aliis
sapienter inventa, aut usu ipso comperta, ac prudenter consti-

372 APPENDIX

tuta tradiderunt. Quae nos in unum Statutorum corpus
compacta et ordinata posteris tradenda duximus, rogantes, et
in Domino obsecrantes eos qui praesunt, ut ex iis hoc Collegium
regant, et administrent, nee temere quicquam sibi innovandum
putent. Nam et mali moris est Leges semel fixas mutare, et
recens inventa plerumque experimento fallunt, licet novitate
blandiantur. Ac ne quis eorum quibus parendi officium
incumbit, ignoratione peccet, Volumus ut haec Statuta,
initio cujusque Termini, publice in sacello per Decanum
promulgentur.

Soli autem sapienti, DEO TRIN-UNI, PATRI,
FILIO, ET SPIRITUI SANCTO, sit Laus,
honor et Gloria, in Secula Seculorum, AMEN.

Guilielmus Bedell Praepos.
Josephus Travers, Bursar.
David Thomas. Gulielmus Fitz-Gerald.
Randulphus Ince.

Note. — The chapter under this title in Laud's book (xxvii) begins
indeed with these phrases, but then goes on to declare the law
in case of doubts and difficulties, and especially the duties and
powers of the two Visitors, substituted for the seven in Bedell's
time. The reading out of the statutes on the first day of term
lasted till about 1840.

De Electionum Forma.

Cap. 25.

Quoniam ad pacem et Tranquillitatem Collegii permultum
retulerit, legitimam in Electionibus formam observari, placuit
hac de re aliquid Statutis prioribus tametsi jam perfectis
attexere. Quoties igitur Praepositi locum vacare contigerit,
Electio ad hanc formam instituetur. Vice-Praepositus, aut si

APPENDIX 373

nullus Vice-praepositus turn domi fuerit, Socius Senior, con-
vocato quamprimum Collegii Senatu, de die Electionis ad eum
referet : quod si quern ex Electoribus turn a Collegio abesse
contigerit, ejus reditum baud ultra octiduum expectari volumus,
atque interea diem Electioni praefinitum valvis sacelli affigi.
Qui cum advenerit, post precum solennia Sacra Synaxis cele-
bretur a Decano, si Minister fuerit ; alioqui ab alio ex Sociis,
cui id munus a majori parte impositum fuerit, una cum Sermone,
in quo Electores cohortabitur, ut Deum et Collegii bonum prae
oculis habentes, talem Praepositum eligant, qualem Statuta
designant. Praemissa concione, Electores soli in Sacello
remanebunt ; lectisque Statutis de officio et juramento Prae-
positi, et hoc capite de Electionum forma, cuique suo ordine
permissum esto quem velit nominare, et de ejusdem pietate,
doctrina, prudentia, et integritate verba facere. Quo peracto,
quisque juxta ordinem Senioritatis hoc jusjurandum dabit :
Ego, N. Deum testor in conscientia mea, me Statuta nuper
lecta fideliter et integre observaturum, et ilium in Praepositum
electurum, quem Statuta nuper lecta significare et apertius
describere mea conscientia judicabit, omni illegitima afFectione,
odio, amore, et similibus sepositis. Considebunt inde Vice-
Praepositus vel senior socius, cumque eo alii duo prassentium
maxime Seniores, et sufFragia sua primi omnium descripta
deponent ; quod idem exemplum reliqui sequentur ; et in
quem major pars totius numeri Sociorum Seniorum con-
senserit, is pro electo habeatur. Quod si primo et secundo
scrutinio sufFragia partis majoris in aliquem unum non con-
senserint, prassentes omnes SufFragia sua in Vice-praepositum
sive Socium Seniorem et proximos duos seniores compromittere
volumus, eorumque saltem duos electionem absolvere ; eamque
ab omnibus ratam habendam decernimus. Electio mox pubh-
cabitur nomine majoris partis Sociorum, et electus, praestito
juramento Collegii, Praeposituram gerat.

Quoties vero Socii probationarii vel Disci puli eligendi sunt,
peracta examinatione ex Statutis requisita, Senatus Collegii

374 APPENDIX

postridie convocabitur, et perlectis Statutis de eorum qualitate
et electione, una cum hoc Capite de forma electionum, nomina
candidatorum publice recitabuntur, et cuique ex Electoribus
permissum esto, de eorum doctrina, ingenio, probitate, vel
inopia breviter verba facere. Quo peracto, quisque Elector
hoc juramentum dabit. Ego N. Deum testor in conscientia
mea, me Statuta nuper lecta fideliter et integre observaturum
et ilium (vel illos) in Socium (vel Socios) (aut Scholarem
Discipulum, sive scholares Discipulos) electurum quem (vel
quos) Statuta nuper Lecta significare, et apertius describere
mea conscientia judicabit ; omni illegitima affection e, odio,
amore, et similibus sepositis. Considebunt inde in scrutinio
secreto Praspositus, vel eo absente Vice-pras posit us, cum duobus
Sociis praesentium maxime senioribus, et Suffragia sua primi
omnium descripta deponent. Post omnes reliqui Socii juxta
ordinem senioritatis suae ibidem suffragia pro numero locorum
supplendorum simul et semel in acervum conferent. Ea
Scrutatores discriminabunt, et in quem vel quos major pars
Sociorum una cum Prasposito consensisse deprehendetur, is
iique pro electis habeantur, et mox Electi pronunciabuntur.
Quod si primo vel secundo scrutinio numerus suppleri non
possit, tertio palam omnes suffragabuntur, incipientes a juniori-
bus, atque ita ascendendo, donee ad Praepositum ventum sit.
Quod si ne sic quidem altera et tertia Suffragatione con-
venerint Praepositus et major pars, Electio pro ea vice
terminata judicabitur.

In Seniorum vero sociorum numerum quoties quispiam
cooptandus est, omissa Examinatione et juramento, utpote
jam antea factis, Praepositus vel Vice-Praepositus de praelectis
probationariis maxime seniorem nominabit, et de ipso suffragia
rogabit, an dignus videatur qui in decedentis locum succedat.
Quod si a Praeposito et majari parte propter gravem aliquam
causam approbatus non fuerit, de proximo verba fient ; quoad
in aliquem consenserint : quem deinceps secundum fundationis
Chartam plene Socium constitui, et admitti placet ; et parem

APPENDIX 375

cum caeteris proprie dictis potestatem, authoritatem, et stipendia
obtinere.

Guilielmus Bedell : Praep :
Joseph Travers.
David Thomas.
Guilielmus FitzGerald.
Ric. Jordan.
Tho. Price.
Randulphus Ince.

Note. — This chapter was deeply modified in substance, though
not in form, by Laud. The election of the Provost disappears, being
henceforth reserved to the Crown. With regard to the cases where
a majority do not agree with the Provost, Laud solves the difficulty
by giving the decision to the Provost in the third scrutiny. Both
one and the other clearly intended the Provost to have not only a
casting vote, but an absolute veto in all elections, Laud specially
ordaining that while the Provostship is vacant no elections can be
held, though an existing Provost may delegate his power to his
Vice-Provost. This veto, and the power of electing in spite of a
majority against him, was exercised by several Provosts till 1791,
when Lord Clare, as Vice-Chancellor, decided that the Provost
had no absolute negative, and that the phrase " Quem major pars,
&c., una cum Praeposito " only meant that the Provost must be
present and voting. The whole matter is acutely argued by Matthew
Young — The Provost's Negative, Dublin, 1792, and the written opinions
of several distinguished lawyers, all in harmony with Lord Clare's
decision, are added in an appendix to that book.

INDEX

Abbot, Archbishop of Canter-
bury, nominated Chancellor
of Trinity College (1612),
166 ; rebukes disuse of sur-
plice and neglect of Book
of Common Prayer in
Trinity College, 166

Abercorn, Earl of, Scottish
nobleman, yet Papist, 210

"Accompt of the Yearely
Charge of the CoUedge,"
&c., 312, 313

Adultage, or Adultship, privi-
lege of exemption from the
rod, igi, 212 11.

Agher, estate in Westmeath,
acquired by Winter, still
owned by his descendants,
301 and n.

Allemand, his Histoire Monas-
tiqnc dirlandc, 1690, 6

Allen, John, borrows books
from College Library, 250

All Hallowes, religious house
near Dublin, 10 ; site
granted by City for the
building of Trinity College,
61

All Saints' (or All Hallowes)
Monastery, value of, 49

Alvey, Henry, Second Pro-
vost, 112; also Vice-Chan-
cellor, 115 n. ; a leading
Puritan, 134 ; leaves for
England in i6oo-i6or, 115 ;
his return, 116; leaves a
second time on account of
plague (1605), 129 ; his rule
lax, 133 ; his chief bequests
to St. John's College, Cam-
bridge, 133 ; reasoiK of his
resignation discussed, 138 ;
disappears without com-
ment, 139 ; growth of pros-
perity under him, 140 ; his
enlightened policy of bring-
ing learned men from Cam-
bridge, 140 ; list of College
plate under his rule, 140 ;
growth of College library,
142, 143 ; his accounts, 74
H. ; his College pott, 133

Alvey, John, related to above ;
Tr avers' old master, 113

Anabaptists, Winter's opposi-
tion to, 300, 301

Anglo-Irish, converted by
Jesuits, 45 sqq.

Anglo-Irish intellect, superior
to pure English ; its many-
sidedness, 323

Aninii Medela (J. Stearne)
contains interesting auto-
biographical note, 319

Anon. Neat manuscript his-
tory of College ; cites Dr.
Barrett ; probable author,
Introd. X. ; referred to on
pages 76, 77, 79, 93, 116,
157. 175, 178, 241 notes;
suggests that Alvey's ab-
sence was connected with
buying books, 116

Antagonism between English
and Irish : Is it of race or
of creed 1 53-55

Andrew's (Saint) Church used
as stable by Lord Deputy,
72

Anglican substituted for Irish
Church in Laud's Statutes,
256

Aphorisms of J. Stearne: Its
dedication to Ormond, 322

Appendix I. to Chap. II. : {a)
Scheme for Endowment of
University by G. Browne
(1547). 99 ; (P) Letter from
A. Loftus to Cecil, 104

Appendix II.: A. Ussher's
tutorial account, 105

Appendix III.: Specimens of
"Travers' style, 107

Appendix IV. : Letter of
Holmes to Challoner, 109

Appendix V. : Petition of
Provost and Fellows to
Burghley for ;g 100 in lands,
110

Appendix VI. : Circular sent
to Munster to give Patrick
Crosbie facilities, no, in

Appendices to Chap. v. : I.
Latin letter of R. Ussher,
220; II. Petition of the
College to City against

377

building close to their gate,
222-224 ; III- Examination
of William Smith, 225

Appendix, General : Bedell's
Statutes ; Latin ; Laud's
alterations discussed in
notes, 327-375

Aqua vita " sets the Irishman
a-madding," 15

Arbour of Plunkett's house
in Bridge Street, 208, 226

Ardmachanus, Ja., Primate's
signature, 216, 224

Archer, Jesuit leader, 32, 33

Aristotle, 51, 317

Armagh, a barbarous place;
Cathedral burnt by Shan
O'Neill, 34

Armada, Failure of, 28

Arrears, Alarm of Bedell con-
cerning, 205

Ars Concionandi, Chappell's
book, 234

Arthur, Alderman, gets lease
from Corporation of strip
of land along west wall of
College ; College objects to
his building on it ; their
petition to Corporation,
201 ; students carry off
boards of enclosure, 202 ;
censured by Provost, 225

Arthure, Doctor, borrowed
books from College Library,
250

Ashwood, Robert, "indebted
to the College," 19, 250

Atherton, Captain, 96

Atkinson, Professor, 121 n.

Attainted lands, 90, no

Augustinian chapel. 49 n.

Augustine, S., Mountjoy con-
futes Jesuits from, 52

Auld. Robert, appointed by
mistake to two rectories
300

B

Back Lane, Mass house in,
granted to College named
Kildare Hall ; its site, 214,
215

378

INDEX

Baggotrath, College gets lease
of, 94

Bagwell, Ireland under the
Tndors, 20 «.

Baker, George, bequeaths
^500 to College, 238

Baker, native scholar, 203

Balfour, 223

Bath, Father (de Bathe? a
well-known Jesuit), 226

Barnewall, Patrick, accepts
sequestrated estate of Grace
Dieu, near Swords, 55 n.

Barnewell, Mr. John, false
name, 274

Barnewell, Capucin, 226

Barry, Librarian of Kildare
Hall, 250

Basil, William, his letter to
Lord Deputy and Council,
referring to Kerdiff' s state-
ments of College property
in Tralee and Limerick,
printed as Appendix to
Chap, viii., 324-326

Bastardy, no bar to inheri-
tance among the Irish, 15 n.

Bedell, William, third Pro-
vost, recommended by
Abbot, 193 ; educated at
Emanuel College, Cam-
bridge, 194 ; his Venetian
experiences, 194 ; sworn as
Provost in 1627, 195 ; dis-
order of College, wrangling
of Fellows, 196, 198 ; he
returns to England and
stays away till ordered
by the king to go back
to Dubhn, 197 ; his in-
fluence, 197, 198 ; he writes
out the College statutes,
198 ; following Temple and
not copying those of Em-
anuel College, 199 ; becomes
Bishop of Kilniore, 198 ;
encourages law and medi-
cine, 206 ; often at variance
with Ussher, 233 ; respected
by natives during the Great
Rebellion, 275 ; disliked by
Went worth, 233 ; Laud ex-
punges his clause encourag-
ing the study of Irish in
College, 258 ; his manuscript
code Ipublished in this
volume for the first time,
255 «•

Bedell's staff (mace), large
sum subscribed for under
Alvey, 140

Bedell's Statutes, define Col-
lege terms, 113 n.

Benefactions, Book of, ig-
nores Adam Loftus ; list
of first donors, 63, 67

Berkeley, George, 157

Bernard, Dr., funeral sermon
on Ussher ; his inaccuracy,
70 ; statement about Crom-
well's soldiers and College
library, 316 ; misconduct as

to livings, and Bedell's op-
position, 210

Billeting soldiers in College
forbidden, 286

Bingham, Sir R., keeps down
Connaught, 3 ; his cruelties,
38, 39 71. ; he complains of
growing old, 51 ; contributes
to Trinity College, 67 ; de-
feats and massacres Scots
at Ardnaree, 126

Binnes, J., borrowed books
from College Library, 250

Birmingham, Friar, 208

Bishop, Raymond, Senior Fel-
low, 289

Blayney, E.. 223

Blount, Sir Charles, v. Mount-
joy

Bodkin, merchant, in whose
house Friars proselytise
students, 208

Booth, student,condemned to
be whipped in Hall for
taking and roasting a pig
found in the street, 205, 206

Book of Benefactions, 70

Borlase, Lord Justice, 279

Boswell, rector of Kildare
Hall (and a Fellow), 217,
240, 250

Bourk, Richard, owes the
College £7, 250

Bourke, David, educated at
Oxford, 12

Boyle, Richard (Earl of Cork),
41 ; adventurer, 91 ; his
opinion on Ireland in 1630,
210, 2X1 ; erects a monu-
ment to his wife in S.
Patrick's, 235. Sec Cork

Brabazon, Sir H., ancestor of
Earl of Meath, 49 n.

Brady, Hugh, Bishop of
Meath, his letter about
Loftus and the Deanery,
57 n.

Brass, in Library, records
Baker's gift, 239 ; Henry
Jones' gift, 297

Breddam, George, tenant of
Bridewell, 189

Brereton, Sir, " allowed 12
artists " (bachelors in
arts ?), " appointed Master
in Bridge Street," 217

Brereton, Sir W., compares
Dublin favourably with
Edinburgh; travels through
mountainous parts near
Newry and Wicklow with-
out danger in 1637 ; dines
with Ussher, 253, 254 ; ad-
mires his sermons, dines
with Bishop Richardson,
254 ; describes Ussher's
private chapel at Drogheda,
236 n.

Brewer's Introduction to the
Cnrcw Papers, 7 n.

Bridewell built in Hoggen
Green to restrain beggars,

who carried Infection of
plague, 1603, 130; Chichester
acquired it from Corpora-
tion of Dublin, 188. 189;
residence for students
under name of Trinity
Hall till 164 1, 189

Bridge Street, Mass houses in,
granted to College ; named
S. Stephen's Hall, 214, 215

Brodeley, Mr., boiTows books
from the College Library,
250

Brook, his History of the
Puritans, 83 n., 85 n., 86

Brooking's map of Dublin,
1728, 202

Brouncker,Sir H.,President of
Munster, orders all Roman
ecclesiastics to leave the
country, and offers rewards
for their apprehension, 33

Browne, Mary, love-letter to
Thomas Clansie (Clanchy),
252

Browne, Archbishop of Dub-
lin, his important letter
about transforming Colle-
giate Church of S. Patrick
into an University, 57 and
Appendix, 99

Bryen, Denis, Munster agent,
Temple's letter to him,
178 n.

Bull and bear-baiting,students
forbidden to witness, 190

Burgh, Lord (Lord Deputy),
40 ; died in harness, 51

Burgh, Tho., bishop of Kil-
macduagh, 12

Burke, Lord, of Castleconnell,
educated in the College,
184

Burkes of Mayo, children
barbarously executed, 39

Burghley, Lord (Chancellor),
his Protestantism ; his ap-
pointment of Travers, 82 ;
his letters to Napper and
Bingham, 89 ;;.

Bursar, first appointed in
1612, 174 ; they husband
the little resources of Col-
lege during years of disaster,
289 ; list of, 289

Burton, native scholar, 203

But, Mr,, " for writing out
the statutes," 160

Byse (or Bysshe), John
Robert, 272

Cambridge, its Puritan in-
Huence on the founders of
Trinity College, 58

Cambridge Statutes, copied
by Dublin University, 166

Cambridge Chancellor adop-
ted by Dublin University
166

INDEX

379

Cantwell, William, complains
of seizure of his property, 14

Capuchins, College of, 208

Caput of the Congregation,
163

Carroll, Sir James, helps to
manage financial affairs of
the College, 129 ; his money
transactions,' 142 ; vice-
treasurer, 70, 71

Carew, writes that mayors
refuse to come to the
church, 35

Caroline Constitution, 1637,
198 ; minute differences
show the mind of Laud ;
its fatuous prohibition of
jiames, 205 ; the work of
Laud, but founded on
Bedell's Statutes, 255

Carson, Dr., xiii.

Carte, his life of Ormond, 131

Carter, borrowed from Kil-
dare Hall, 250

Cartwright, translates Tra-
vers' Latin work, 84

Cary, Sir G., acquires piece of
ground between College
and Hoggen Green, 188

Case, author of SpeaUum Mo-
raliwn Quctstionum, 58 n.

Catalogue of Library of 1604,
inaccurately tenned the
first, 143

Caulfield, Sir Toby (and
Lord), builds a house be-
tween Hoggen Green and
Suffolk Street, 188 ; his son
in Exeter College, 200 ; his
house bought by Ussher, 254

Celibacy clause in Fellowship
oath, abolished under Vic-
toria, 156 n.

Caulfield, W., signs petition,
223

Challoner, Luke, earnest re-
former, 58 ; the real foun-
der of Trinity College, 60 ;
his letter about cashing bills
of captains, 70 ; lends his
books freely, 78 ; educated
at Trinity College, Cam-
bridge, 118 ; "painful prea-
cher " and lover of books,
119; shrewd man of busi-
ness, 119 ; his monument
neglected and defaced,
I20 ; obtains site for
Bridewell, 130 ; his scheme
for enlarging the useful-
ness of College, 170 ; his
death in i6i3,a loss, 171

Challoner, Phoebe, daughter
of above, married James
Ussher, 118

Chancellor of Trinity College,
his importance to mediate
between the College and
the Crown, 259

Clanchy (or Clancy), Thomas,
agent for College in Lime-
rick ; two mteresting let-

ters among his business
papers, 251

Chantry lands, Challoner's
catalogue of, about Dublin,
169

Chappell, W., seventh Pro-
vost, sent to Trinity Col-
lege as a High Churchman
by Laud, 231 ; his autobio-
graphy, gap of twenty-five
years in, 231, 232 ; invited
by Temple as a Ramist and
Low Churchman in 1612,
231 ; the King compliments
him on his disputation
at Cambridge ; tutor at
Christ's College, Cambridge,
where he flogged young
Milton, 232 ; he becomes a
High Churchman, which
gains him the favour of
Laud and the hostility of
Ussher, 232 ; changes intro-
duced by ; Irish lecture
abandoned, surplice im-
posed on students, 237 ;
made bishop of Cork and
Koss, he retains the
provostship, contrary to
statute, 248 ; resigns the
provostship, 249, 266 ;
charges against him in
Irish Parliament of 1641,
271

Charges in College, not lower
than in Oxford or Cam-
bridge ; 2d. a liberal price
for a meal, 134

Charles II. gains the credit of
Cromwell's ideas, 316

Charter of Queen Elizabeth,
63 ; Abbot as Chancellor
demands its surrender ;
refused by Fellows ; their
argument quoted by Hely
Hutchinson, Anon., and
Stubbs, 167

Chambers, College, rent of,
217

Chatham, Lord, trains his son
in viva voce translation. 187

Chatterton, his failure to
settle in Ulster, 158

Chichester, Lord Deputy,
1604-1616, brought up in
school of Mountjoy, 179,
i8o ; puzzled by James's
vacillatmg treatment of
Jesuits, 183 and note; ap-
plies for lease of Sir G.
Carey's house, 189

Chieftain's household, bar-
barism of, 13

Christ Church Cathedral,
Dublin, Friday lecture in,
176, 177

"Christ's College," title pro-
posed for Dublin College, 57

Cimbri, compared to savage
Scots, 126

Clandeboye, Lord, sec Hamil-
ton, James

Clanrickard, strong ruler, 3

Clare, Lord, his decision at
visitation of 1791, 262

Clark, Edward, aspires to
provostship, 192

Clearke, John, admitted M.D.,
304

Clelow, James, 305

Clergy, slothful, selfish, 25

Coburne, Chris, 250

Collections, Winter's MS.
notebook in Library', 300 n.

College Library, earliest cata-
logue, 1600; second cata-
logue, doubtless begun by
Ambrose Ussher, 143; did
not contain a single speci-
men of fine early printing ;
theological commentaries
in coarse binding (that of
John Francton in 1604 the
earliest), 143

College plate, pledged during
great Rebellion ; £s^ re-
ceived on it from Jacob
Kirwan, 283, 287 ; only
pieces remaining from
before the Rebellion, 285 n.

College seal, the original,
124 n. ; that of 1612, 169

Collins, John, vintner, his
bequest, 293

Commissary of Prerogatives,
a lay post, 192

Commonwealth Records, 295 «.

Communion table, none in
College Chapel at Bedell's
election, 196 ; position of,
236 ; in Ussher's chapel at
his palace, 236 ; in S.
Peter's, Drogheda, 236

" Concealed lands," 40, 41, iii

College Halls in city, Went-
worth allows these to be
recovered by lawsuit and
re-occupied by Papists, 238

Collectanea, Leland's, 231

Commencements (conferring
of degrees), 114, 115 ; the
principal at end of Trinity
Term, 186

Concordatum Fund, surren-
dered by College under
Victoria, 156 n.

Commissioners of Ulster
plantation, 127

Cohonnogh Dowin, entry
concerning in P.B., 137

Conosius Dovinus, not
O'Cahan's heir, but pro-
bably an O'Doyne ; his
tutor A. Ussher, 137. See
Cohonnogh Dowin

Conway, Robert, Senior Fel-
low, signs act to abrogate
the nempe quatuor, 242 ;
deprived of Fellowship by
Privy Council, 243 ; restored
to Fellowship by Went-
worth, 244 ; summoned
before Irish Parliament,
269 ; charges against, 271

380

INDEX

Conway, native scholar, not
Irish name, 203 ; (Sir), 206

Conway, Lord, his letter to
Lord Dorchester, 211

Cotterel, James, his bequest,
124

Conall, a monastery, also spelt
Connall, suppressed reli-
gious house, 8 ; part of its
lands in grant to College,

154

Conway, Lord, invites Jeremy
Taylor to Portmore, near
Lisburn, 322

Cook Street Carmelite house
seized ; Mayor and Primate
stoned by mob ; house
razed by Lords Justices, 214
and note

Coote, Sir Charles, subscribes
£^0 to College or ;£95 ? (see
iiotc), 239

Cork House, the Restoration
prevents Ussher's library
being deposited there, 316

Cork, Richard, Earl of, de-
scribes improved state of
country in 1630, letter to
Lord Dorchester, 210, 211 ;
Lord Justice of Ireland,
211 ; his remarkable letter
to Dorchester, describ-
ing magnificent house of
iesuits, 218 ; monument to
is wife, set up in east end
of chancel in S. Patrick's,
236 ; his seizure of Friar's
house declared illegal, 238

Cork, Lady, dies in Sir T.
Caulfield's house, 254 ; her
great tomb in S. Patrick's
Cathedral, 234

Cork and Ross, Chappell
Bishop of, 249, 252

Corporation of Dublin, grant
site of College, 67; still
hold formal document, 65,
66

Cottingham, admitted to Fel-
lowship by Falkland, but
displaced, 197

Coughlan, Richard, turbulent
Fellow, 200

Cowley, Joshua, leave of
absence, 305

Coyne, a College student, 184

Coyne, old Irish exaction, 44

C.P., or Carew Papers, re-
ferred to, pp.4, 5, 13, 14, 15,
i6, 29, 37, 38, 39, 44, 47, 58,
79, 86, xvi

Creagh, Dr., Pope's Legate,
23

Crompton, Thomas, from
Brazenose College, 304

Cromwell, Henry, 299 ;
elected Chancellor by Win-
ter, 302 ; his benefaction to
College, 302 ; his reception
on landing near Kings-
town, 302 n. ; not much of
a Puritan, 321 and note

Cromwell, Oliver, 288, 289,
296, 297 ; less cruel than he
has been painted ; his en-
lightened treatment of Irish
industries, 306, 307 ; his
proposals (i) to found a
new college near Trinity,
(2) to endow Dublin with
a public library, 309

Cromwellian settlement, its
harshness exaggerated, 309

Crosbie, Patrick, appointed
agent to seek out attainted
lands, 41, III ; his friendly
intercourse with tenants,
91, 92 and note

Crown, dictation of in elec-
tion of Provost, 212

Cudworth, Ralph, Trustee of
College, 295

Cuellar, Captain, wrecked
from Armada on Sligo
coast, 24

Cullen, 239 sq.

Cultu divino, dc, first chapter
of Bedell's Statutes, 199 ;
degraded to ninth place by
Laud, 256

Cusack, mentioned as English
name, 4 ; Adam, 272, 297

Custodium, of temporalities
of archbishopric of Tuam,

Dale, John, 300

Dame's Gate, in Castle wall,
nearest point of city to
monastery of All Hallowes,
72

Daniell, William (also O'Don-
nell), one of the original
scholars. Fellow in 1593,
77 ; burns a sacred image
in Gahvay, 45; writes of
"traitorous seminaries," 35 ;
his Irish version of the New
Testament, 121

Davis, Sir John, his tract on
why Ireland was not sub-
dued, 5 «., 7 «. ; thinks all
Irish difficulties are over-
come, 1616, 21, 23, 34, 53 ;
acute observer, 144

Davis, native scholar, 203

Decadence of College felt by
James Ussher, 200

Declamation, required weekly
from students, 185

Decrements (detriments), Col-
lege fee for wear and tear
of house, 80 and note

Degree examination, profi-
ciency required for, 185

Denationalisation of Trinity
College effected by Laud
and Wentworth ; English-
men imported ; no O or
Mac among scholars
elected, 347

Denization, right of pleading
like English subjects, 5

Denny, Sir Henry, his "out-
rageousnes toward the
Irish, 39

Deputation of Fellows goes
to London in 1629 to obtain
freedom of election, 211

Desmond, Earl of, vast es-
tates, 30

Detriments, Fellow Com-
moners' and Pensioners'
weekly payment, 4d. ob.
and 2d., 131, 153. See
Decrements

Devenish, Ed., mayor of
Dublin, 1591, 62

Dialectic, first year's course,
187 .

Diet, cost of in College, 153,
154. «•

Dillon, Garret, College offers
to pay him for recovering
chantry lands, 156

Dillon, James, relative of
James Ussher, 200

Dillon, Lord, mention in
petition of College, 223, 224

Dio Chrj-sostom, 43

Directory ordered to be used
instead of Prayer Book by
Puritan Government, 289

Discipline of students : all
games forbidden ; park re-
served for Fellows divided
by walls, and let for
orchards, &c. ; young
offenders birched by junior
Dean ; confession on their
knees during dinner time,
190, 191

Disqualification of marriage,
200

Dissension of Fellows under
Chappell ; question of
seniority ; conHict between
High and Low Church ;
the four candidates— Hoyle,
Pheasant, Cullen, Ware ;
appeal to the visitors, 239-
244

Dissertation on Death (J.
Stearne) : its dedication ;
its attack on ignorant
Calvinists ; letter of com-
mendation from Jeremy
Tajior, 321, 322

Dix, Mr., author of " Earliest
Dublin Printing," 97 ; his
catalogue shows dearth of
Dublin printing in Temple's
time, 150

Dixon, Prof. MacNeile, writes
first of " College Histories,"
xiii.

Docwra, Lord, mention in
petition of College, 223, 224

Dodwell, Henry, enters Col-
lege in 1655, 290

Donegal, monastery of, pos
sessed librarj' where Four
Masters wrote, 9

INDEX

381

Donellaii, Edmund, entries
concerning in P.B.. 164

Donnellan, Nehemiah, trans-
lates Bible into Irish, 1594,

12

Dopping, Anthony, enters

College in 1655, 290
Dovvdall, Sir J., letter to

Burghley, 36 n.
Drury, Sir W., Lord Deputy,

his cruelty, 39
Dublin Castle, heads exposed

on ; hostages ill-treated in,

37,38
Duke, Sir Henry, speaks Irish

and English, 12
Dun (Dunn), Dr. Charles,

Vice-Chancellor, 162; Fel-
low in 1608, 115 n.
Dungan, John, 272

" Ecclesiastical Benefice " de-
fined, 199

Edward VI., Irish replica of
his act seizing chantry
lands, 156, 157

Elizabeth, Queen, why does

she found Trinity College ?

I ; her letter authorising it,

•■ 62 ; hostility to Scots in

Ulster. 125

Elrington, Charles, Professor
of Di\anity, 1829, Introd. x.

English rule, cruelty of, 37 sqq.

English • settlers in Ireland,
sell their land through dis-
trust of James's gifts, 182

Esmonde, Laur, 223

Essex, Robert, Earl of, his ex-
pedition to Munster, 113 ;
Chancellor of Cambridge
and Trinity College, Dublin,
112 ; his execution, 114

Essex, Lord, the elder, his
failure to settle in Ulster,
158

Ethic and rhetoric, fourth
year's course, 187

Eustace, Rowland, 250

Evangelical spirit of Church
of Ireland, 230 ; due to
Travers and his school, 87

Examination of William
Smith, Appendix iii. to
Chap, v., 225

Exeter College, Ussher sends
young Dillon there, 200

Extern students. Bedell's
suggestion, 206

Eyre, William, comes to Dub-
lin, 140 ; correspondent of
Ussher ; recommends Mar-
tin for Fellowship, 179, 180

Falkland, Lord Deputy, com-
plains of being thwarted,
183; petitioned to admit can-

didates to Fellowship, 197
and note. ; orders their ad-
mission, retracts order, 197 ;
his proclamation against
religious houses disre-
garded ; himself recalled,
213 ; he protests against
the weakness of the Govern-
ment in dealing with the
" contagion of Popery," 209,
223

Falkland, Captain, son of
Lord Deputy, educated in
Trinity College, Dublin, 184

Feasant, see Pheasant

Fen, Humphrey, controver-
sial Puritan, 86 n.

Fenton, Sir Geoffrey, Lord
Cork's father-in-law, 235 ;
complains of his old age,
51 n.

Field, his letter to General
of Order of Jesuits, 48

Finances of College, im-
proving in 1606, 137

Financial distress of College
during Rebellion, 285-288

Fitzgerald, Will., Fellow, 216

Fitzgeralds, two, their build-
ing in the College, 238

Fitzmaurice, Lord Lixnaw's
son, educated in the Col-
lege, 184

FitzSimon, leading Jesuit, 33

Fitzwilliam, Lord Deputy, his
coat-of-arms falsely said to
be set over the gate, 66 ;
issues circular letter ; con-
tributes ^200 to College,
67 ; smallness of his force
against Spaniards, 24

Fleetwood, Lord Deputy, 299
and note

" Flight of the Earls," a relief
to the country, 136

Floyd, J., Welsh Vice-provost,
196

Floyd, William, cousin of
Vice-Provost, admitted to
Fellowship by Falkland,
196, 197

Folliott, Sir H., Vice-Provost's
bond to, 175

Four Masters, The, on the
year 1595, 2

Foxes aiid Firebrands, J.
Nalson's, 214 n.

Franciscans, keep alive sorne
respect for sacraments, 24

Friday, Laud makes it a fast-
day in College, 257

Froude, makes the Irish diffi-
culty one of religion, 54

Fuller, records in his Church
Hist, that it never rained
a day during the building of
Trinity College, 66 and note

Fullerton, James, one of the
original Fellows, a Scotch
schoolmaster, 77, 78 ; pro-
bably political agent of
King James, 123 ; works in

Munster with Crosbie, 125 ;
invaluable as bursar, 127;
Commissioner of Ulster
plantation, 127 ; obtains
grants of lands in Munster,
128 ; epitaph in Westmin-
ster Abbey, 128 ; his in-
fluence on King James,
155 ; last mention of, 212
Furniture, no accounts for,
very little used by students,
135

Galloway, Gal way, " From
which there went shipping
daily to Spain " (Walworth),
226 ; Bodkin offers to con-
vey students to, 208, 226

Galway, compared to the
Arcadia of to-day in regard
of glass windows, 16 ;
founded by English fami-
lies, yet becomes very Irish,
17

Games of cards, &c., per-
mitted by Laud's Statutes
" at the time of Christmas,"
257

Gardiner, contributes to Trin-
ity College, 67 ; enemy of
Boyle, 87, 88 n.

Garstin, J. R., author of " Irish
State and Civic Maces,"
140 n.

Gearnan, name superscribed
in A. Ussher's account. 82

General Convention of Ire-
land, petition addressed to,
contrary to statutes, 305, 306

Gerald, Earl of Kildare,
founder of Maynooth, 9

Gilbert, Sir John, author of
" History of the City of
Dublin,' 73, 201, 254 n.

Glyn, Knight of, his infarit
son, a pledge in Carew's
hands, 39

Goodwin, Thos., 295

Gore, Sir A., Vice-Provost's
bond to, 175

Gorges, Dr., 313, 315

Gowns, debate between Pro-
vost and Chancellor as to
whether students should
wear them in the street, 206

Grace before meat. Bedell's,
still used in College ; Laud
changes one word, 257

Gracedieu,nunnery at Swords,
8

Grammar schools in Dublin,
Waterford, Cork, Kilkenny,
Limerick, 10

Gray of Wilton, Lord, bloody
deputyship, 37

Greek, required from all
College students, 185

Greene, Mr., London gold-
smith, makes College seal
of 1612, 169 n.

382

INDEX

Gun, Sir, appointed Master

in Bridge Street Hall, 217
Gylippus, mission to Syracuse,

compared to the Jesuit

Archer, 32
Gunpowder explosion in 1596,

killed many students, 140

H

Hamilton, Archibald, 272
Hamilton, James, collects

temporalities inTuara, 2, 3 ;

one of the earliest Fellows,

77 ; sent to Tuam and York,

78 ; tries to collect rents for
College, 89 ; obtains large
grants in Co. Down, 128 ;
becomes Lord Clandeboye,
123, 129 ; is granted lease
of northern College estates,
afterwards broken, 169

Harding, John, M.A., of Cam-
bridge, imposed on Trinity
College, Dublin, as Senior
Fellow by Wentworth, and
tutor to Wentworth's son,
247 ; accepts a hving which
voids his Fellowship, reap-
pointed Senior Fellow by
letters patent, 247 ; his
official perjury, 249 ; Vice-
Provost ; he disappears ;
his reappearance, 276 n. ;
his degradation, Appendix
ot Chap, vii., 291, 292

Harrison, Sir, lecturer in
Bridge Street Hall, 217

Hawking, an offence punished
in Trinity College. 79

Hawks, Irish, presented to
Burghley and Cecil, 79

Hebrew (first two Psalms)
required for degree, 185 ;
made compulsory for M.A.
degree by Winter, 299

Healing of the Soul, The (J.
Stearne). Fulsome dedica-
tion to H. Cromwell ; com-
plimentary letters from
three bishops, 320, 321

Hegel, undisturbed by Napo-
leon's capture of Jena, 28

Hely Hutchinson, Provost,
composes history of Trinity
College, 1790-1792 ; notes
that Loftus did not draw
up Statutes, 71 ; had seen an
earlier portion of Temple's
Statutes than was come
down to us, 161 ; quarrel
with his Senior Fellows,
262 11. ; his MS. exposes
injustice of attack on
Chappell, 272

H. H. = Hely Hutchinson
MS. ; frequently cited in
notes, xvi.

Henry VIH. no Protestant,
55

Herbert, Sir Wm., humane,

39 ; his house (in Kerry)
seized by rebels, 48 ; not
in list of subscribers to
Trinity College, 69; his
correspondence quoted, 158

Hcrmnthcna, xxviii ; article
on College Library, 98 n.

Herrmgs, four barrels of,
granted to College, 287

Hist. MSS. Comtiiission, 313 u.

Hogan, Father, author of
Ibcrnia Is^natiaita, 48, 273

Holmes, Matthew (Fellow),
69 and Appendix

Hoggen Green, opposite
Trinity College. From
Hogges, ancient mounds,
72, 73 ; encroachments on,
188 ; begins to be called
College Green about 1629,
201

Hoile (Hoyle), rector of
Kildare Hall, 250

Holmpatrick, Priory, value
of, 49

Holy Sacrament, none in
College Chapel for eleven
years, 196

Houling, Father, S.J., founds
Irish College in Lisbon, 32;
his grief over Dublin Uni-
versity, 60

Hoyle, Nathaniel, refuses to
wear surplice, 240, 241 ;
preaches at S. Werburgh's,
254 ; Senior Fellow, 290 ;
returns from Oxford as
Vice-Provost, 297

Howth, Lord, his affray in
Thomas Street, 190

Ibcrnia Ignaiiana (Father
Hogan's), 48

Ignatius suggests Irish
mission, 25

I nee, Randal, elected Fellow,
196, 240

In cotJtmendam, Provost
directed to hold his place,
247

Indian Mutiny, compared to
Irish Rebellion, 275

Ingram, Dr. Thomas, criti-
cises Mr. Lecky's views on
Irish affairs, 54

Isham (George), his grant in
Munster from Queen Eliza-
beth bought by the College,
125

Irish lecture and prayers in
College,instituted by Bedell,
203

Irish names, adoption of by
English in sixteenth cen-
tury, 4

Irish Parliament of 1641, its
charges against the Bishop
of Cork for his government
of the College, 269

" Irish Question " now one of

religion, 56
Irish race, taken under royal

protection of King James ;

beneficent effect of this

act, 160
Irish studies, encouraged by

English, not by Anglo-Irish

Provosts, 204
Irish teaching in the College

suppressed by Laud and

Wentworth, 258
Irish tongue. University re-
quired by James I. to train

natives to preach in, 177 n.
Italic hand, elegantly written

by Temple and Ussher, 152

J

James I., his change of
religion, 32 ; seeks to
influence Ireland, 125 ;
secretly encourages Scotch
immigration during Eliza-
beth's lifetime, 126 ; grants
lands in Connaught and
Donegal to FuUerton, 127 ;
his munificence to College ;
first grant to J. Ware
of attainted lands in
Tipperary, Waterford, &c. ;
second grant confirms by
letters patent the gift of
Elizabeth in 1599 ; third
grant gives estates in Ar-
magh, Fermanagh, Done-
gal ; fourth grant, chantry
lands in Dublin ; fifth
grant (small),attahited lands
in Limerick and Kerry ;
sixth and seventh grants
make perpetual yearly
subsidy from Crown of
£388 15s., procured by
Temple ; eighth grant,
patent for election of bur-
gesses to Parliament ; ninth
grant empowers College to
plant Ulster estates ; tenth
and eleventh, modifica-
tions of tenure, 154-156 ;
his vacillation between
the Reformed Church and
Spain, 183

Jans, Edward, receipt for
rent, 238

Jerpoint, a monastery in Co.
Kilkenny, 8

Jesuits, their crusade against
Protestant England, 16 ;
they convert Irish schools,
26, 28 ; influence chieftains,
28 ; reward for their appre-
hension, 33 ; they translate
the quarrel of race into one
of creed, 56 ; James orders
their expulsion, and re-
tracts it, 183 ; they increase
under Charles I., 207

INDEX

383

John Baptist, S., value of
monastery, 49

Jordan, Rich.. Fellow, 216

Jones, Henry, £io debt to
College, 250

Johnson, Charles, 250

Jones, Colonel Michael,
Governor of Dublin, patron
of College ; Cromwellian
general, 288

Jones, Henry, Vice-Chancel-
lor and Bishop of Meath ;
his gifts to Library, 297

Jon«s, Sir Koger, his affray in
Thomas Street, 190

Junior Fellows, deprived by
Temple of right of legis-
lating for the College, 163 ;
unsoundness of this statute;
its result that governing
body consists of very old
men, 164

Jus quinquc sanguinnm, 5

K

Kearney, W., carries off print-
ing press, benches, &;c.,from
College, 135

Kenlis, a nunnery in Co.
Kilkenny, 8

Kerdiffe ' (Kerdiff), John,
" native scholar," 203 ; Sir,
one of the city, 225 ; John,
Fellow, 240 ; entrusted with
re-letting of College lands
by Cromwell ; resigned to
avoid accepting Laud's
Statutes, 289 ; made Senior
Fellow by special act of
Chancellor, 289 ; saves
College estates from con-
fiscation, 302

Kerdiff, Senior Fellow, 240

Kildare, Dowager Countess
of, owns splendid house
of Jesuits, 218 ; plaintiff
against the College, 238

Kildare Hall, books borrowed
from, 249 ; Lord Cork en-
dows theological lecture
at, 218

Kilkenny Castle, contains
deed of appointment of
Ormond as Chancellor of
Trinity College, 287

Kilmainham, plundered, 46 ;
residence of Lord Deputy
at, ig ; grant of chantry
lands at, 156

Ivilmallock, More Dom, 223

King's letter granting privi-
leges, payment of fee for,
136

Kinsale, siege of, 70

Kilmacrenan, Abbey of, passes
to the College (from Fuller-
ton and O'Donnell), 127 ft. ;
part of King James's grant
to the College ; small rents
paid by Irish tenants, 155 ;

during Protectorate the
natives were not extirpated
by Cromwell, 307
Kyffin, 43

Lacy, Brother Jacob, 274 n.

Lally, Wm., Archbishop of
Tuam, time-serving prelate,
23 ; silent about the Col-
lege, 59 ; his death ; his
widow in possession, 88, 89

Land, Irish love of, 31 and
note

Lane, Sir R., complains of old
age, 51

Latin, Irish chiefs converse
in, 13I; spoken at Commons
by Bedell's order, 203

Latwar (Latewar), Richard,
D.D., brought over as chap-
lain by Mountjoy ; killed
by bullet near Benburb,
141 ; memorial slab in St.
John's College, Oxford, 141
K. ; donor of silver pott and
books to Trinity College,
Dubhn, 141

Laud, William, Archbishop
of Canterbury, Chancellor
of Trinity College ; his
English primacy of import
to Ireland, 228 ; creates
mischievous division be-
tween the Protestant com-
munions of the North, 230 ;
his anti- Puritan policy ; he
and Wentworth endeavour
to make Trinity College
ecclesiastical, 256 ; his Code
of Statutes not entirely new,
230; his imprisonment, 275;
general intention of his
Statutes to make the College
English in tone and Angli-
can in creed, in opposition
to the Anglo-Irish sj'm-
pathies of Bedell and the
evangelical principles of
Ussher, 256 ; removes the
chapter Dc Cnltu Divino
from first to ninth place,
199 ; insists on removing
Earl of Cork's monument
to his wife in S. Patrick's,
236; has in hands Uni-
versity Charter, 247 n.

Lawyers, Anglo-Irish, help to
emancipate the people, 5 ;
their role on the Roman
Catholic side, 46

Lawyers, English, place-hun-
ters, 46 ; their dislike to
Ireland, 47

Lazar Hill (now Townsend
Street) in Dublin, 73

Lazy (Lazar) Hill in Dublin,
202

Lecale, Barony of (in Co.
Down), 67

Lecky, Mr."W. H., differs from
Froude in his estimate of
Irish affairs, 54

Lee, Captain Thomas, his
barbarity, 39

Leicester, Earl of, petitioned
by Fellows to relieve the
distress of College caused
by great Rebellion, 282, 283

Letters Patent, empowering
College to send representa-
tives to Parliament in 1613 ;
mentions possible founding
of other colleges, 162, 165,
166

Letters, scarcity of private, in
this epoch, 2

Liber Munerutn Hibernia,
148

Library of Primate Ussher,
offered for sale by his
daughter, 314 ; Cromwell's
scheme to present it to
City of Dublin altered by
his death ; presented by
Charles II. to Trinity Col-
lege, 316

Libraiy, College, books bor-
rowed from 249 ; Brereton
speaks sneeringly of, 255 ;
earliest catalogue of, 98 ;
use of, confined to gradu-
ates, 126

Linen industry in the north,
older than Straftord, 159

Lissagh, John, 273

Lishag(t) Thad, Fellow, 216

Lismore Papers, 178 n.

Loftus, Dudley, translates
from the Armenian ; edits
posthumous works of
Stearne, 322, 323

Loftus, Adam, Archbishop of
DubUn, his speech urging
the establishment of an
university, 9 ; secures ap-
pointments in S. Patrick's,
29 ; delays foundation of
Trinity College, 30 ; com-
plains of increase of recu-
sancy, 33 ; his dishonesty,
57,58 «•; first Provost of
Trinity College, 61 ; speech
to the Corporation, 61 ;
contributes ^100, 67 ; his
palace at S. Sepulchre's,
71 ; did no work for the
College, 71, 72 ; resigns the
provostship, 72

Loftus, A., Chancellor, signs
petition, 223

Logic, second year's course,
187

Lords Justices (Cork and
Loftus) order seizure of
Mass houses, 213, 214

Lord's Prayer, in Irish, 203

Ludlow, his country house at
Moncktown, 322

Lydiat, Thomas, brought
over to Trinity College,
Dublin, by A. Ussher, 122

3^4

INDEX

Lynch, mentioned as an
English name, 4

Lyon, William, Bishop of
Cork,describes rapid growth
of Roman Catholic religion
in Cork and Waterford, 34,
35 ; commits schoolmasters
to prison, 36

M

MacDonnells of Antrim,
Scottish immigrants, 126

Mace, earliest college, dis-
appeared ; larger one of
Queen Anne's time, 140 n.

Magister, applied to butler,253

Magrath, Miler, time-serving
bishop, 23 ; makes no
allusion to Trinity College,
30

Malbie, Sir N., valuable notes
on Ireland (1582), 36 n.

Marchers, the Lords, in Wales,
parallel to the Lords of the
Pale in Ireland, 54

Margetson, Dean, 247

Marriages, of English with
Irish frequent, 4

Marsdens, English Puritans,
297, 298

Marshall, Thomas, M.A,, of
Cambridge, imposed as
Senior Fellow, to help m
passing new Charter, 247

Martin, Anthony, Bishop of
Meath, Dean and Catechist
in 1613, 174 ; gives account
of College money, 174 ; close
friend of Ussher, 233; comes
to Dublin from Emanuel
College, Cambridge, 140 ;
invited to take charge of
College, 278 ; appointed
lecturer, 280 ; his salary
not completely paid, 281 ;
his numerous benefices,28i;
his property looted, im-
prisoned by justices, 282 ;
delays in his formal ap-
pointment as Provost, 283,
284 ; his see non-existent
during Rebellion, 284 ; he
preaches against Puritan
heresy, 289 ; dies of plague,
buried beside College
Chapel, 289 ; exact date
of his death unknown, 293

Mary, Queen, built Mary-
borough and Philipstown,
30

Mary's Abbey, S. (in Dublin),

8,74
Mathers, from New England,
298 ; Mather, Samuel, non-
conformist, yet declines
to displace episcopal
ministers, 300
Matriculation Book, earliest,
lost by Alvey, 131 ; shows
increase of students in

1639, 1640, 264 ; very scanty
entrances from 1641-1657
when prosperity returns,
290 ; entries wrongly placed
in, 304

Maxwell, Dr. Robert, lease of
lands in Armagh, 304

Mayor of Dublin, one of the
Board of Visitors, removed
by Laud's Statutes, 259 ;
Irish Parliament censures
this ungrateful act, 272

Maynooth, ancient College
of, not founded to teach, 9 ;
Royal College of, neglected
Irish studies for a hundred
years, 98 «.

McCarthy More, admission
to title, 20

McDonnell, Sorley Boy,
speaks Irish, 12

McGeoghan, Brian, petitions
Elizabeth, 11

McGeoghegan,Richard, letter
from!^ 48

McGuinnis, Sir Hugh, con-
tributes to Trinity College,
67

McMahon's children know
English, II

McWilliam, Eughter, chief
in Mayo, 12 ; advises
Elizabeth to recognise
Irish chiefs, 20

Mead, Garrett, owes the
College £18 13s. 6d., 250

Meade, Joseph, Evangelical
Divine, 147; elected Pro-
vost by Senior Fellows, 193

Melvill, Andrew, teacher of
FuUerton and Hamilton,
148

Mendoza, Bernardino de,
Spanish ambassador, 32

Merchants, lean towards
Spain, 45

Michan's, Saint, Church, 74

Midensis (Bishop of Meath),
Arth., signature to petition,
223

Mixture of blood, English or
Scotch with Irish, admir-
able results of, 157

MonasticonHibernicum, 72 it.

Money, or Monie, Launcelot,
letter about cashing bills,
70 ; one of the original
Fellows of Trinity College,
Dublin, 77

Morality, lack of, among
native Irish, 15

Morutn, inai^ister, abolished
in 182X, 263 n.

Moryson, Fynes, private see
of Mountjoy, 71

" Mother of an University,"
meaning of this phrase in
the Charter of the College,
63

Mountjoy, a master mind ;
changes the course of
events in Ireland, 51 ; a

lover of books, 71 ; his
campaign to Waterford
and his controversy with a
Jesuit, 126

Mullinex, Mr.,'8i

Muniment Room (M.R.),
loose papers in, catalogued
by author, xiv; contains
the old statutes signed by
Temple, beginning with
chap. V ; Bedell's Statutes
founded on these, 255-264 ;
referred to, pp. 76, 81, 94,
no. 124, 125, 130, 172, 173,
192, 195, 202, 208, 222, 251,
252, 274, 287, 303, 304, xvi ;
(A ii.), document about
repayment of loans in
copper, 142 ; (G. 2) Cook's
account, gives number of
Fellows and "schollers,"
132 ; (F. 77) curious petition
to recover books borrowed
from Kildare Hall, 249

Munster plantation, 1588, 36

N

Napper, Sir R., friend of
Richard Boyle, 87 ; chief
Baron, 89 n.

Native scholars, their names
do not appear to be Irish ;
better paid than others. 203

Nevell, Sir Patrick, ecclesi-
astic, signs with his mark
X, 1619, 7

New College, scheme for,
under Commonwealth
quoted from Urwick, 309-
314 ; proposed site, between
Trinity College and Step-
hen's Green, 309, 310 ; its
intention to imitate the
type of Oxford and
Cambridge, 314

New England, sends a lad to
Trinity College in 1657, 291

Newman, William, his
election as Fellow dis-
puted, he obtains mandate
from Lords Justices,
countersigned by Primate ;
the king commands him
to be elected, 219 ; he signs
act to abrogate nempe
qtuituor, 242 ; deprived of
Fellowship by Privy
Council, 243 ; restored to
Fellowship by Wentworth,
244 ; summoned before
Irish Parliament, 269 ;
charges against him and
Conwajf, 271 ; indebted to
College, ;£i2, 250

NewTestament.Irish version
of, by WiUiam Daniell, 121
and note

Neylan, Bursar, 293

Nicholson, John, 157

INDEX

38:

" Noblemen's Sonnes" need

not salute Provost, 218
Nnn-errabillty of the Church,

discussed by proselytising

Friars, 226
Xorbury (a Puritan), 297
Norreys, Sir J., describes the

Irish as " Spanish in heart,"

35 ; dies in harness, 51 ;

contributes to Trinity

College, 67
Nugent, Capuchin, seduces

students to Spain, 208

Oath for Fellows and scho-
lars, Laud's changes in,
257-258

O'Brien, son of Sir Turlough,
educated in College ; his
favoured treatment, 184

Obscrvaiorc >occulti, scholars
appointed to report stu-
dents' misconduct to Dean,
262

O'Cahan, Sir Donald, his son
kept as ward in Trinity
College, 131 ; disappears
from notice, 136

O'Conor.recognised by Henry
VIII. as a king in west of
Ireland, 5

O'Connor, Brian, his property
escheated, 41

O'Connor, Sligo, speaks to
Elizabeth through an inter-
preter, 13

O'Dogherty, Sir Cahir, culti-
vated young chief, his
outbreak, 136

O'Donnell, Bern, a priest, 12

O'Donnell, Sir Neale, his sou
kept as ward in Trinity
College, 131 ; " bred in the
College," 184

O'Flahertys, wild chieftains
In Jar Connaught, 17 ; Sir
Morogh ne Doe, signs with
his mark, 11

Oge, Rory (O'More), his chil-
den pledges, 39

O'Heyne, Teig, native scholar,
203

Omey, Davies, secretary to
Sir T. O'Neill, 11

O'Neale, Brian, 272

O'Neill, Shan, burns monas-
teries, 8 ; poses as a devout
Catholic in London, 28. 29

O'Neill, Sir Turlough, has a
secretary to write for him,
II ; contributes to Trinity
College, 67 ; claims to be
the O'Neill, 68

Ormond, Lord Lieutenant
(1643), allows College
£S los. a weekly "dead
pay," 285 ; appointed Chan-
cellor, his generosity, 287,

288 ; vigorous and soldierly,
274 ; returns as Chancellor
at Restoration, 64, 317.

O'Rorke, sent to school in
Limerick, and afterwai'ds
to Oxford, 1 1

O'Sheneshon = O'Shaugh-
nessy, 14

O'Sullivan, Bere, 20

O'Toole, Art, a pardoned
rebel, brutally treated by
Captain Lee, 39

O'Tooles in Dublin moun-
tains, 322

Owen, John, leading member
of Trustees for College
(under Protectorate), 295

Oxmantown, 74

Pale, the, oppressed by Eng-
land, 43

Parliament House, architec-
tural glory of Dublin, 202

Parliamentarian sympathies
of Fellows, due to their
evangelical doctrine, 297

Parliament in Ireland, sum-
moned by Wentworth in
1639, to vote subsidies for
Charles, 264 ; their extra-
ordinary contentment with
Strafford's government, 265

Parry, a Fellow, removed
from benefice, 199, 200

Parsons, Lord Justice, 279

Particular Book, the, xiv ;
account for "mending of
locks," 74 fi. ; stray notices
in, 96 ; receipts for Detri-
■ments ; no Christian names,
131 ; entry for "Sir James
Carroll's scholar," 132

Patent of chantry lands, loss
of, 205

Patent Rolls of James I., 131

Patrick's Cathedral, S., old
collegiate church, 29; pro-
posal to convert into Uni-
versity, 60

Patrick Street, rebels steal
cows in, 96

Patrick's Well, S., 73

P.B. = Particular Book,
-passim

Pearson, 140

Pedantry of Chappell, his
entry of appointment of
College butler, 252

Pemberton, Master John,
College butler, 253

Pt'/isionanz(s,JohnStearne the
first student so styled in the
Matric. Book [pensioners
are mentioned in College
accounts of 1595], 296

Pepper, Gilbert, Bursar, his
accounts, 283 «., 285

Perrot, Lord Deputy, quarrels

with Loftus, 29; declares for
liberty of conscience, 34

Peter de Rabio, S., sup-
pressed religious house, part
of grant to College, 155

Petition of the Provost and
F'ellows to the Mayor and
Aldermen, against building
near the College gate.
Chap, v., App. ii., 222 ; for
Bridewell, 130 ; to Went-
worth, to have Crown pen-
sions commuted for lands
in Connaught. 251

Pheasant (Feasant), Thomas,
narrative of his expulsion
from Fellowship, 240 sqq. ;
presents petition to the
House against Chappell,
268, 290

Philip H. criticises Papal bull,
26, 27 ; his cautious charac-
ter, 27, 28

Physiology, i.e., natural philo-
sophy, third year's course,
187

Physic, school of, its charter
formally due to Charles II.;
its basis previously laid by
John Stearne, 316, 317

Pierce, John Oge, receipt for
rent paid to College, 94 n.

Pius IV. authorises endow-
ment of Universities from
ecclesiastical property in
Ireland, 26

Plague, College practically
dissolved by, in 1603, 129 ;
in 1649, 295

Plantation of Ulster, at-
tempted by Elizabeth, 29

Plautine iambics, Chappells,
239

Plunckett, William, 272

Pole, Cardinal, 25

Policy, twofold, subjection or
conciliation, 3-5

Pompeii. 274

Prendergast, J. (author of
Cromwellian Settlement of
Ireland), ignores influence
of Popery, 53, 54 ; calls
Ormond an Englishman,
56 n. ; his account of Crom-
wellian settlement often
taken from harsh orders not
really executed, 308

Prescott, Mrs., inherited H.
Cromwell's letters as heir-
looms (Urwick), 310, 313 «.

Price, Mr., claims Senior
Fellowship on the ground
that Mr. Thomas was mar-
ried, 200 ; as Dean, forbids
game of b ovvis, as contrary
to statute, 205

Priest's orders. Laud requires
Fellows to take, except
thev be jurist or medicus,
258'

Prince Charles, his Spanish
escapade, 183

2C

386

INDEX

Privy Council censures Pro-
vost Chappell ; his punish-
ment referred to King, who
refers it to Laud, 243
Proctors, given power of

visitation of houses, 245
Proposal to separate Univer-
sity and College favoured
by Temple and Abbot ;
their motives, 167
Proselytising, Archbishop

Walsh on, 208 n.
Proselytisers, seduce young

men to Spain, 208
Prosperity of Ireland, dates
from James' plantation of
Ulster, 157
Protectorate, public safety in

Ireland under, 322
Providence, East Indies, 291
Provost and Fellows, in-
hibited from electing by
Parliament of 1641, 273
Prcniost's Negative, The, by

Mathew Young, 262 n.
Provost's oath. Winter pre-
sumably had not taken it,
306
Provost, 'position of, altered

by Laud, 261
Provost's salary ;^ioo, 160

and note
Prynne, Mr., makes a charge

against Strafford, 269 n.
Ptolemies, their wise policy

in Egypt, 18, 19
Public Library, Cork House
transferred to Henry Crom-
well for, 310
Purdon, M., his interesting

private letter, 251
Puritanism, its harshness, 44 ;
of College, inquiry into,
Easter, 1615. 173
Puritan tendencies of College,
its ministers acceptable to
Scots in Ulster, 160
Puttock, Mr., 250

Quadrangle, drying of clothes
forbidden in, 304

Quinque sanguines, five privi-
leged tribes, 21

Quorum of electors in the
College (nempe quatuor)
established by Bedell, 335 ;
abrogated by Chappell, 242

R

Races in Ireland, mixture of
in sixteenth century, 4

Radcliffe, Sir Geo., subscribes
£20 to the College, 239

Ramus, spiritual forerunner
of Bacon and Descartes ; a
partial reformer in logic;

studied by Protestant di-
vines ; his dialectics edited
bj' Temple in 1584 ; first
book published by Cam-
bridge Press attacked by
Aristotelians, 145
Ranelagh, R., 223
Records of the Corporation ;
gift of All Hallowes to the
College, 62 ; grant to Alder-
man Arthur of land on
College Green, 201 ; per-
mission to any man to
kill any pig seen in the
streets, 206 n.
Record Office in London,
copy of James I.'s patent
obtained from, by author,
155, «•
Red Indians, 180

" Redshanks," Scotch savages,
125

Reformed clergy, new pack
of wolves, 25

Register, College, interesting
items quoted, 212 «. ; scanty
under Chappell, 249 ;
blanks in, 293

Religious houses, abolished
by Henry VIII., 7; hospi-
tality of, causes petition
against their destruction,
8,9

Revival of Roman Catholic
Creed, 25, 26

Reynolds, Paul, 272

Rich, Barnabe, decries Dub-
lin, 2 ; attributes Irish
difficulty to Popery, 53 ;
censures reformed clergy
who did not contribute to
University, 68

Richard II., planted settlers
in Wexford, 30

Richardson, Bishop of Ar-
dagh, presents chalice and
flagon to College Chapel,
254

Riche, Sir N., Bedell's letter
to, 196

Rollo, Mr., 206

Roman Catholic Church, its
neglect of education, 6-9

Roman Dictator, 237

Roman Catholics, Laud's
Statute admits to scholar-
ship, 258

Roque's map, 188; also spelt
Rocques, 239

Roscommon, held by
O'Rourke, 181

Route, The, territory near the
Bann, secured by Scotch,
126

Royal prerogative, 230

Rupert, Prince, employed
Irish kerne, 22

Russell. Deputy, complains of
the number of heads rotting
on battlements, 38

Ryves, Sir W., Commissary of
Prerogatives, 192

Salary, of Senior Fellows,
£g 13s. 4d. ; of Junior
Fellows, :£3, 312

Salisbury, Earl of, Chancellor
of the College, ob. 1612, 166

Saints' days, as limits of terms,
introduced by Laud, 257

Sarpi, Fra Paolo, Venetian
Reformer, his connection
with Bedell, 194

Saunders, Francis, Senior
Fellow, 306

Saviour, S., Dominican Friary
of, school of theology, 9

Saxey, Chief Justice, com-
plains of age, 51

Scholarium commensalis,
this class of student dis-
appears after 1662, 296 n.

Schoolmaster, the College,
teaches unmatriculated
students in chapel, 185

Schools, lay, hot-beds of
opposition to English in-
terests, II

Scots in Ulster, hail King
James, spread industry,
build towns, 159

Scott, Sir George, subscribes
£20, 239

Scout (Schout), Theodore,
coins some of the College
plate, 286 and note

Script, old German, used by
Travers, Alvey, Ware, 152

Seal of Trinity College, old
seal of 161 2, impression
of, discovered in Kilkenny
Castle, xiii ; specimens of
the original 124 n, 168 ;
affixed to all University
documents, 162 ; of Uni-
versitj', granted 1851, a
mere curiosity, 163

Seele, Thomas, Fellow, re-
signs living, returns to
College, afterwards Pro-
vost, 253 ; first Senior Fel-
low elected under new
charter, 253 n. ; solitary
Anglo-Irish Fellow in 1641,
276 ; Bursar, Provost under
Restoration, 289

Sejanus, his fall compared to
Strafford's, 265

Senior Fellows, first separated
from Junior, by Temple, 163

Senior Master Non-Regent,
place in Caput of Senate,
163

Seminarists, seminaries,
priests educated abroad,
reward for, 33
Shakspere signs in old script,

152
Shane,Sir Francis, contributes

to Trinity College, 68
Shuckburgh, ed. of Lives of

Bedell, quoted, 234 n.
Shurley, signs petition, 233

INDEX

387

Sibbes, Richard, evangelical
divine, 147 ; refuses invita-
tion to come to Trinity
College as Provost, 193

Sidney (also spelt Sydney),
Sir H., tour through west
of Ireland in 1575, 4 ;
thwarted by Loftus, 57

" Silver pott" or " boll," early
presentations to the Col-
lege, 140

Sizarius, sizar, student who
gets commons free, 134 ;
sizings, derivation of term,
134

Sizator, 296 n.

Skull, found under Old Col-
lege Chapel, 191 n.

Slutmulrooney, manor of, in
Fermanagh, part of James's
grant to College, 155

Smith, Sir Samuel, his pig,
206

Smith, Sir Thomas, his failure
to settle in Ulster, 158

Smith, William.student, Friars
attempt to convert ; his de-
positions, Appendix, p. 225,
208

Sociorum commensalis, 296 «.

Soria, Joanes de, Provincial
of Castile, 274 n.

S.P. = State Papers (Ireland),
Record Office, London. Re-
ferred to, pp. II, 12, 16, 17,
20, 21, 25, 27, 28, 33, 34, 35,
37, 38, 39. 41. 43, 46, 51, 54,
59,68,70,78,86, 87,96,114,
126, 127, 148, 169, 176, 177,
180, 182, 183, 193, 206, 209,
210, 211, 214, 215, 234, 241,
267, 284, xvi

Spanish conquest, hoped for
by Jesuits, 28

Speed's map, 1610, 72, n.

Spenser, Edmund, describes
lack of religion in Ireland,
24 H. ; not in list of sub-
scribers to Trinity College,
69

Spes, Don Guerau de, Spanish
ambassador, 27

Sport, absence of, 79

Stafford, private secretary of
Sir G. Carew, author of
Hibernia Pacta, 71

Stafford. Captain, afraid to

sally out of Dublin, 96
Stanihurst, James, favourably
describes Dublin, 2 ; grand-
father of Primate Ussher,
10
Statutes, Bedell's, three manu-
script copies extant, 198 ;
clause expunged by Laud,
249 11. See also notes to
Latin Appendix
Statuta. Bedell's—

1. De Cultu Divino, 329-

332

2. De Qualitate et Officio

Prsepositi, 332, 333

3. De Juramento Pro-
positi, 333

4. De Senatu Collegii,
constante ex Pr;e-
posito et Sociis
Senioribus, 335

5. De Scholaribus, 336

6. De Sociorum Elec-
tione, 337

7. Juramentum Electi
Socii, vel Discipuli,
339

8. De Tutorum ac Pupil-
lorum Officio, 341

9. De Modestia, et Mo-
rum Honestate Co-
lenda ; Itemque de
tuenda Collegii existi-
matione Publica, 343

10 De V i c e-P r se p o s i t i
Officio, 346

1 1. De Decani Officio, 347

12. De Primario Lectore et
Sublectoribus, 349

13. De Classium Scholas-
ticis Exercitiis, 351

14. De Baccalaureorum
et Magistrorum Ex-
ercitiis, 353

15. De Vitanda Alieni

ExercitiiUsurpatione
et vice sua a Quovis
Diligenter Obeunda,
354

16. De TerminisObservan-

diset de Examinando
Scholarium in Disci-
plinis Progressum,
356

17. De Admittendis in

Collegium Professori-
bus Jurisprudentiae et
Medicinae, 357

18. De Bursarii Officio, 358

19. De Tuta Rerum Cus-

todia, et Bibliothe-
cario, 361

20. De Sociorum et Scho-

larium Numero.Com-
meatu, Salariis et
Cubiculis, 363

21. De Absentia Sociorum

et Scholarium, 365

22. De Poenis Majorum

Criminum, Mulctis-
que aut Exigendis aut
Exigendis aut Cora-
mutandis, 368

23. De Inferioribus Col-

legii Ministris, 370

24. Epilogus, 371

25. De Electionum Forma,

372
Statutes, Book of, published

by College, places Caroline

Statutes after Elizabethan

Charter, 255 n.
Statutes sent from London,

Ussher warns Challoner

against, 168
Stearne, John, his philosophy,

291 ; Senior Fellow, Pro-

fessor of Civil Law, Hebrew,
Physic, 305 ; his birth and
education, grand-nephew
of James Ussher, 319 ; first
president of College of
Physicians, 320 ; his Stoic
philosophy, his books and
their dedications, 320-322 ;
type of versatile Anglo-
Irish intellect, 323, 324
Stearne, John, junior, Vlce-
Chancellor, son of prece-
ding, 323 n.
Stearne, Robert, empowered
to dispose of College lands
in Limerick, 305
St. John, Deputy, knights
Temple, summons Provost
and Fellows to maintain
lecture at Christ Church,
173 ; his discreditable re-
port on the College, 176
St. Leger, Sir Anth., Deputy,
21 «. ; orders all rhymers,
&c., in Munster to be exe-
cuted, 38 ; contributes to
Trinity College, 67
Strafford, Earl of, hated for
enlisting Irish savages, 21.
See Wentworth
Stubbs, Dr., author of History
of Dublin University, x, xi,
xii ; says list of original
subscribers to Trinity Col-
lege is incomplete, 6g ;
quoted on cost of living in
College (extract from Chal-
loner's note-book), 154 ;
mentions some blunders of
Winter and his Fellows,
300. Also frequently re-
ferred to in the notes.
Studies, rent for, in Bridge

Street house, 217
Summer term — July and
August, kept in Temple's
time, 186 ; and in Bedell's,
356
Sunday, Saint, image of,

burned in Cork, 44 «.
Surplice, objected to by Pro-
vost Temple ; its use in-
sisted on by Abbot, 166
Symner, Major Miles, ap-
pointed Professor of Mathe-
matics, to teach surveying,
296; Bursar, 293

Taaffe, says gentry are too
poor to contribute to
Trinity College, 6g

Tables in College (four),
Fellows', Bachelors', Scho-
lars', Pensioners', 151

Tailor, John, admitted M.D.,
304

Taylor, Bishop Jeremy, Vice-
Chancellor, his gloomy
account of the College

388

INDEX

only Restoration rubbish ;
he persecutes Presby-
terians, 318

Taylor, publishes History of
Trinity College, 1845,
rhetorical, partial, x, xi

Teate, Faithful, Temporarius
Subrector, 277 ; a failure,
summoned before Council,
278 ; his degradation, 279

Temple, Fourth Provost, 145 ;
birth and education, 145 ;
edits Ramus' Dialectics,
145 ; dedicates it to Sir
Philip Sidney and becomes
his private secretary, 146 ;
Sidney dies in his arms,
146 ; secretary to Essex in
1594, 146 ; Parhamentary
seat for Tamworth, ib. ;
saved on Essex' fall by
favour of Cecil, ib. 146; pub-
lishes a logical analysis of
twenty select Psalms, dedi-
cated to Prince Henry, 146 ;
becomes Provost in 1609,
probably by influence of
Fullerton and Hamilton,
147, 148 ; no evidence to
sliow that he was selected by
Ussher; as a layman objects
to wealing surplice, 147 ;
Master in Chancery, 148 ;
leading Ramist in England,
logician and scholar, 148 :
brings over his wife and
children, who may have
been allowed to hve in Pro-
vost's lodgings, 149 ; pub-
lishes Latin Exposition of
Psalms i-xxx, and dedicates
it to Robert Cecil, printed in
London, 149 ; no copy of
his Ramus in Trinity Col-
lege, 150 ; shrewd man of
business, 150 ; his note of
cost of diet in P.B., 153 ;
his work on College
Statutes, 160-165 ; first four
chapters, loose sheets sewed
together, existed till re-
cently, 161 ; statute on use
of surplice, as reported by
Hely Hutchinson, shows
unwilling submission to
the King, 161 : statute
against use of tobacco, 162 ;
his plan for increasing num-
ber of Fellows compared
with Challoner's, 170; his
honesty suspected by
Junior Fellows, 172, 173 ;
his ill-composed defence,
173 ; his hands not clean,
ib. : knighted by Lord
Deputy St. John, ib. ; no
theologian ready to lecture
in Christ Church, 177, 178 ;
his neglect of Irish Church,
178 ; College declines under
his rule, 179 ; his failure to
educate an Irish Church

clergy, 181 ; death in
January, 1626, 191 ; buried
under old College Chapel,
skull exhumed, probably
his, low type, 191 ». ; died
discreditably in debt to
College, 192

Termonfechan, Primate's
Palace of, 195

Thirty Years' War, promoted
by Jesuits, 25

Thomas a Becket, S., religious
house near Dublin, 10 ;
value of, 49 ; granted by
Henry VIII. to Sir H.
Brabazon, now the Earl
of Meath's Liberty, in
Dublin, 49 11.

Thomas, David, Fellow, 216

Thomond, Earl of, writes
from Limerick of the
obstinacy of the people,
35 ; signs return of the
revenues of public institu-
tions in Ireland, 313

Thompson, John, admitted
M.A., 304

Thucydides, 275

Thurloe Papers referred to,
contain Langley's letter
about decay of Irish towns,
308 ; on H. Cromwell going
to church in state, 321

Toaghy, in Armagh, part of
King James's grant, 155

Tobacco, statute against use
of, lost, 162

Todd, Dr., Introduction to first
College Calendar (1833), x

Trafford, student. Friar's at-
tempt to convert, 208

Tr avers, Joseph, Professor of
Civil Law, 216, 297

Travers, Walter, Second (First
acting) Provost, 59 ; his
letter to Burgley describing
the " poore and harde
beginnings of Trinity Col-
lege," 75, 76 ; his early life,
Christ's College, Cambridge,
82 ; tutor to Lord Burgley's
son, 82 ; visits Geneva, 83 ;
writes against Anglicanism,
84, 85; silenced by Whit-
gift, 86 ; his evangelical
zeal, 86 ; elected Provost
of Trinity in 1594, 86 ;
influences Ussher towards
Puritanism ; permanent
Low Church character of
Irish Church, due in part to
his influence, 86, 87 ; retires
to England, and dies long
after, leaving his Oriental
books and plate to Sion
College, London, 95 ; speci-
men of his style, 107

Trevor, Sir E., brother-in-law
of Robert Ussher, 76 n.

Trinity College, Book of,
xii, xiii

Trinity College, came too

late, 57 ; regarded as Pro-
testant, 58 ; escapes plunder
by its poverty, 97

Trinity Hall, ho mention of
students living in, 207

Trinity Monday, election of
Fellows and scholars since
Laud's Day, 257

Trinity Sunday, increased
allowance for Commons,
Latid, 257

Trustees appointed for Col-
lege by Parliament, 1649,

294 ; their interesting letter,

295 ; list of for 1649, 313
Tudor, Hugh, describes the

exactions of soldiery, 43

"Turbulent scholars" save
the open space opposite
west front of College, 202

Tyrone, Earl of, imports
EngUsh refinements, 14 ;
demands a Roman Catholic
University at suggestion of
Jesuits, 29 ; addresses Eliza-
beth on equal terms, 48 ;
his rebellion, 30 ; drives out
planters of Munster in 1598,
42

Tyrrell, Lady, impoverished
daughter of Primate
Ussher, 314

Tj'rrell's Park, 72 n.

U

Undertakers, planted by Eliz-
abeth in Munster, swept
away by Tyrone, 157

University of Dublin : is it
distinct from Trinity Col-
lege ? 63, 64 ; as such, has
no charter, 161 ; University
only a particular aspect of
Trinity College, 162

Urwick, Nonconformist,
writes early history of
Trinity College, 1591-1660,
xii ; throws light on the
chasm in history of the
College following the Re-
bellion, plague, and Pro-
tectorate, 293 ; gathered
facts about Teat, 277

Ussher, Ambrose, brother of
James, the first librarian,
121 ; his learning, 122 ; his
tutorial account, 81. 82

Ussher, Henry, Archdeacon,
one of the real founders of
the College, spends ;g300
on buildings there ; made
Primate of Armagh, 1595 ;
very perfect in Irish, 20 n.

Ussher jjames, elected scholar,
78 ; Fellow, 97 ; Professor
of Theological Controver-
sies, 122 ; European man
of letters, 122 ; evangelical,
yet episcopalian, 166 ; pro-
poses Laud as Chancellor

INDEX

389

on account of bad discipline
among the Fellows, 229 ;
censures the Provost in
Privy Council, 243 ; Went-
worth's hostility to, part of
his policy of crushing all in-
dependence in Ireland, 244 ;
his letter on Chappells
eluding of oaths, 248 ; chair-
man of Board of Visitors,
as Vice-Chancellor ; Laud's
changes in Board an insult
to him ; he loses interest
in College, 259, 260 ; his
house destroyed during his
absence in England in
1641 ; never returns to
Ireland ; evangelical, com-
manded the respect of
Cromwell, 297 ; his library
acquired for the State by
Cromwell, 314, 315 ; Ber-
nnrd's funeral sermon on,
70 ; buried with pomp in
Westminster Abbey, 128

Ussher, Robert, cousin of
Primate, Vice-Chancellor,
171 ; heads Junior Fellows
in objecting to leasing
College lands for more
than 21 years, 171, 172 ;
opposes Bedell's provost-
ship, 195 ; elected on
Bedell's resignation, 200 ;
easy - going man, 212 ;
Puritanical, 213 ; disap-
proves of extern students,
213 ; his letter to Bishop
of London, with scheme
for settling scholars' house
of Back Lane, 215, 216 ;
quarrel with Fellows about
auditor, 218-219 ; favours
election of Laud as Chan-
cellor, 219 ; promoted to
see of Kildare ; his influence
effaced even before his
resignation in 1634 ; his
bombastic Latin letter and
verses to James Ussher,
Appendix i. to Chap, v.,
220, 221

Ussher, William, Castle offi-
cial, writes to his "Cossen
Dr. Ussher," about pay-
ment of -£,10 for Bridewell
house, 189

Valentia, Lord, 223

Veale, or Veele, Fellow,
"natus in hoc Collegio,"
298

Vesey, admitted to Fellowship
by Falkland, 197

Visitation, of Easter, 1615,
173 ; of May, 1635, Pro-
vost worsted, 241, 242 ; of

1791, changes interpretation
of Laud's Statute, and Umits
power of Provost, 262

Visitors, Board of, the ori-
ginal, 64 ; Laud reduces
their number from seven to
two, and makes himself the
primary visitor, 168, 259

Viva voce, for Fellowship
examination, only recently
abandoned; its value as
training, 187

W

Wales, subjection of, 54 ;
sends students to Trinity
College, 229

Wallop, Sir H., complains of
age, 51 ; persuades Lord
Deputy to seize Boyle's
trunk, 87

Walworth, student, Friar's
attempt to convert, 208 ;
his evidence varies slightly
from Smith's 226 n.

War with Tyrone, compared
to Boer War, 129

Ward, Michael, enters College
in 1656, 291

Ward, Samuel, of Ipswich,
invited to the College by
Alvey, 140 ; correspondent
of Ussher, 139 ; appointed
Professor of Theological
Controversies, 177

Ward, Seth,Savilian,Professor
of Geometry at Oxford, 319

Warden of the beggars, 14

Wardships,granted to College,
131

Ware,Arthur,claims seniority,
240

Ware's Bishops, 237

Ware, Sir James, helps to
manage financial affairs of
College, 129 ; signs petition
to city for Bridewell, 130 ;
writes Alvey's accounts in
1609, 138 ; receives grant
from the King of lands in
Tipperary, Waterford, &c.,
as trustee for College, 154 ;
unsatisfactory auditor, Fel-
lows refuse to appoint his
son, 218

Wassington, B.D. of Oxford,
appointed Provost of Trinity
College by Charles I. .silence
concerning him, 267 ; his
flight to England, 275, 276

Watson, John, 250

Weld, Daniel, student, found
harboured in suspicious ale-
house ; sentenced by Privy
Council with astounding
severity, 245 ; pedantic
sentence by Provost, 245,
246

Wellesley, Arthur, 157

Wentworth, Lord Deputy,
makes Bramhall, High
Churchman, Bishop of
Derry, 230 ; gets rid of R.
Ussher with an arch-
deaconry', and forces Col-
lege to elect Chappell
Provost, 232 ; his policy, to
discredit the Protestant
party in Ireland, and im-
port Englishmen who
would submit to the divine
right of Charles, 235 ;
humours Roman Catholic
gentry, 235 ; encourages
private subscription for
enlarging College, 238 ; his
donation of ;gioo, 238 ; peti-
tioned by College about
books borrowed from Lib-
rary, 250 ; also about com-
muting Crown pensions for
land in Connaught, 251 ;
his fall, 265

Weston, Chancellor, grand-
father of Countess of Cork,
235

White, Richard, 238

White, S. J., founds Irish
College at Salamanca, 32

White, Sir Nich., speaks Irish,
12

Whjrte, Nich., eminent native
lawyer, his interesting letter
to Burghley, 34

Widow Jones, severe sentence
on, for harbouring student
(Weld), 245

Whitgift, Master of Trinity,
Cambridge (and Arch-
bishop), censures Travers,
83

Wiggett, John, 250

Wilkinson, borrowed books
from Kildare Hall, 250

WilHamson, Caesar, Senior
Fellow, promoter of petition
to general Convention
aimed at Winter, 306

Winter, Samuel, Provost, ap-
pointed byOliver Cromwell,
296 ; his Collections, 300 n. ;
his piety and learning,
298, 299 ; his love of horses,
some of them stolen by
" the Irish army," 301, 307 ;
he disappears quietly at the
close of the Protectorate,
306

Woulf e, David, Jesuit, 25, 26

Zize (sizing), Fellow's allow-
ance for, v/eekly 8d. ob.;
" schcller's." 4d., 153

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